THE GOVERNMENTAL CONSPIRACY
TO CONCEAL THE FACTS ABOUT THE
PUBLIC EXECUTION OF JOHN KENNEDY
THE GOVERNMENTAL CONSPIRACY
TO CONCEAL THE FACTS ABOUT THE
PUBLIC EXECUTION OF JOHN KENNEDY
J. GARY SHAW
LARRY R. HARRIS
Limited First Edition of 3000 copies, of which this is
Published and copyrighted, 1976 by J. Gary Shaw
All rights reserved to J. Gary Shaw, P. 0. Box 722, 105 Poindexter, Cleburne, Texas 76031
Both foreign and domestic users are restricted in the publication of any materials herein, with the
exception of matters of public record and knowledge contained herein.
To my wife Sandra and daughters Kerri, Danell and Kristen,
whose unselfish support has been a source of encouragement
While there may be minor differences of
opinion on certain aspects of John Kennedy's
murder, we agree wholeheartedly with Penn Jones,
Jr.; there was a conspiracy to kill the President,
and there is to this day a conspiracy on the part of
government officials to conceal the facts relating to
the assassination. We concur in essence as to the
force responsible for Kennedy's death. Mr. Jones,
who may be considered the first independent
researcher into this case, has been honest and
straightforward in presenting evidence of both
stages of the conspiracy. His research—published
in four volumes entitled Forgive My Grief—is
invaluable. Likewise invaluable has been his
assistance, cooperation and advice in the
preparation of this book. We are deeply indebted to
Penn Jones, Jr.
Special thanks must go to the following in-
dividuals: Robert Groden, Richard Sprague,
Ronnie Dobbins, Jim West and Jeff T. Wallace for
photographic contributions and assistance in
assembling and reproducing the many pictures
contained in this book. To Jim Wallace, James
Walker and Howard Upchurch. And especially to
Mary Ferrell, a friend and fellow-researcher, for her
willingness to share information gleaned from her
brilliant and meticulous research.
Enough can not be said about the tiny army of
private citizens who have made many personal
sacrifices trying to complete the task left un-
finished by the Warren Commission. They are to be
commended for their efforts, courage and criticism
of the government's false version of the
assassination at a time when it was unpopular to do
so. In particular: Sylvia Meagher, Harold
Weisberg, Jim Garrison, Josiah Thompson and Dr.
About the Author . . . .
J. GARY SHAW,an architect, has been research-
ing the Kennedy assassination since the Warren
Report was issued in 1964. Results of his research
have appeared previously in Penn Jones' Forgive
My Grief series.
Shaw, who is married and has three daughters,
lives in Cleburne, Texas, where he continues to
research and lecture on the flaws and con-
tradictions in the Warren Report.
About the Co-Author . . . .
LARRY R. HARRIS, a journalism student, began
studying the JFK assassination in 1966, at the age
of 15; he initiated active research in 1971. Like
Gary Shaw, he is a contributor to the Forgive My
Harris lives in Dallas, where he continues to in-
vestigate and speak publicly about President
No assassination conspiracies in America? Most history books leave that impression. We are led to believe that the assassin of
President Abraham Lincoln—an actor named John Wilkes Booth—was a "lone nut." It is not generally known that Booth was
only one figure in an eight-member [at least] group that conspired to kill Lincoln, Vice-President Andrew Johnson and Secretary of
State William Seward. On April 14, 1865 in Washington, D. C., Booth fatally shot the President in Ford's Theatre and his cohort
Lewis Paine critically stabbed Seward; Vice President Johnson's life was spared when a third member of the plot, George At-
zerodt, lost his nerve at the last moment. Like Lee Harvey Oswald, John Wilkes Booth was shot to death before he could be
brought to trial. As this photograph shows, four of his co-conspirators [Paine, Atzerodt, David Herold and Mary Surratt] were
later hanged. No, America does not yield organized conspiracies which plot the murder of the President. Only lonely, mentally-
deranged losers who seek attention. Only lone nuts . . . .
18. Billy Nolan Lovelady—Thought shots came
from the knoll or from across the street. 6:338;
19. Judith L. McCully—From right side of arcade
20. Austin Lawrence Miller—Shots came from his
left (he was standing on the Triple Underpass).
6:225; 19:485; 24:217
21. A. J. Millican — Shots came from the pergola.
22. Joe R. Molina—Shots came from west side (he
was on steps of TSBD). 7:219; 24:326
23. Thomas J. Murphy—Shots came from spot
just west of TSBD. 22:835; CD897:12
24. Mrs. P. E. (Jean) Newman—Shots came from
her right (west). She was standing halfway
from TSBD to Stemmons Freeway sign.
19:489; 22:843; 24:218
25. William E. Newman, Jr.—Shots came from
"garden" directly behind Newman (he was
standing at east end of pergola). 19:490;
22:842; 24:219; New Orleans States Item, Feb.
26. Mrs. William V. (Roberta) Parker—First shot
came from pergola. 22:667; CD205:504;
27. J. C. Price—Assumed shots from Triple
28. Frank E. Reilly—Shots came from trees at
west end of pergola on north side of Elm. (He
was standing on Triple Underpass.) 6:230;
29. Mrs. A. L. Rowland—Shots came from railroad
yard. 6:177; 19:493; 24:224; 26:169
30. W. H.(Bill) Shelley—Shots came from west (he
was on TSBD steps). 6:327; 7:390; 22:673;
31. Police Officer Edgar Leon Smith, Jr.—Shots
came from railroad tracks or grassy knoll area.
7:565, 568; 22:604
32. Officer Joe Marshall Smith—Thought shots
came from Elm Street extension, bushes of the
overpass. 7 :351; 22 :600
33. Secret Service Agent Forrest Sorrels—Shots
came from knoll; 'top of terrace to my right'.
7:340; 21:548; CD3
34. James Thomas Tague— Shots came from
bushes at pergola. 7:554
35. Roy S. Truly—Shots came from west of TSBD.
7:219; CD5:322, 324
36. Deputy Sheriff Harry Weatherford—Shots
came from railroad yards. 19:502
37. County Surveyor Robert M. West—Shots
came from northwest quadrant of Dealey Plaza.
Dallas Morning News Feb. 14, 1969
38. Lupe (Lucy) Whitaker—Shots came from west
of TSBD. TAG1:470
39. Otis Neville Williams—Came from direction of
the Triple Underpass. 22:683
40. Steven F. Wilson—Shots came from west end
of building or pergola; not from above. (He was
on 3rd floor of TSBD.) 22:684; 24:535; CD735:9
41. Mary Elizabeth Woodward—Possibly came
from overpass. 24:520; CD7:19
42. Abraham Zapruder —Shots came from in back
of him. 7:571
These statements, plus the evidence available
in the Zapruder and Nix films,seem conclusive of a
conspiracy to us.
Albert Camus wrote that "an Oriental wise
man always used to ask the Divinity in his prayers
to be so kind as to spare him from living in an
interesting age." Not only is this age interesting, it
is downright dangerous. A researcher into the
Lincoln death admonished me that it was much
safer working on the hundred year old
assassinations. This danger may explain why so
many newspaper writers and more especially the
legal profession avoid the American assassinations
and the implications on all our lives.
Now the perpetrators of our assassinations are
so fully occupied in trying to maintain their
position that they have failed to perceive that our
national strength is almost gone. National strength
depends on the attitude of millions of men in battle
who feel their cause is worth their dying. We know
now from Vietnam that our strength has drained
away from our men's knowledge that they have
been lied to by our leaders over and over again.
It is pitiful to watch Congress—now as im-
potent as a herd of steers. They "paw and beller,"
but can do nothing but vote "Yes" for the Pen-
A nation is not great when the President is
murdered and the judicial, legislative and executive
branches of government scramble to cover up
mountains of evidence and ignore scores of im-
In a real democracy men like Roger Craig, Lee
Bowers and S. M. Holland would have been heard;
would have been honored for their truthfulness.
Instead they died disappointed and broken because
the investigating public officials ignored and
denied their first-hand testimony.
Penn Jones, Jr.
This book is for the average citizen. It is not
written for the critics of the Warren Commission,
and they will find that much of its content is a
recapitulation of information known to them for
years. This information, however, is not generally
known or understood by the public. There have
been, in the years since 1963, a number of excellent
and invaluable books which have challenged and
destroyed the Warren Report. These in-depth
studies, with few exceptions, have been written by
researchers for the benefit and use of fellow
researchers. Because of this, the information they
contain is minute in detail and a reader lacking
background on the subject quickly finds himself
lost or bored. Hence, another book on the
Cover-Up will, in all liklihood, never be ranked
alongside works like Silvia Meagher's Accessories
After the Fact. It is, however, an important book
and one we believe to be long overdue. In effect,
theis a primer on the suppression aspect of the
assassination, written as simply and concisely as
possible and accompanied by many photographs
with which the reader may follow more easily the
events surrounding this crime. Many of the
photographs found herein are published for the first
time. Some of these photos have little or no
significance to the text of the book and are
published in the hope that some of the witnesses
contained in them will come forward, identify
themselves, and give their testimony of the events
of that fateful day.
The central thrust of this book is to attempt to
show, in the most simple manner possible, some of
the acts of certain authorities in their attempt to
conceal the overwhelming evidence of a conspiracy
to murder President Kennedy. These acts included
the alteration, destruction and suppression of the
various forms of evidence in the case.
Evidence of the complex conspiracy and the
ensuing cover-up which is exposed in this book is
more than ample to demand a new investigation. In
1963 it was not a federal crime to kill the president.
The assassination was simply another murder
under Texas State law and the investigation of the
crime should have been conducted accordingly.
Unfortunately, this was not the case. Instead, Jack
Ruby, crony of cops and crooks, was escorted into
the basement of the Dallas Police Department and
allowed to execute the alleged assassin. Then, "Big
Brother," with its new Texas president, stepped in
and took over. In doing so, it was declaring to one
and all that the state was no longer capable of
handling its own affairs. The consequences of this
act are now quite evident. The writers believe that
it is now time to slap the wrist of "Big Brother."
We advocate the re-opening of the murder case in
Texas, under Texas law and with a Texas Grand
This new Texas Grand Jury should be con-
vened immediately with full subpoena power and
an unlimited budget. It should be held in Dallas in
order that the witnesses who are still in and around
theiarea can easily testify. The vast majority of the
witnesses to the murder are still available. It is not
too late to hear them. We agree wholeheartedly
that eyewitness testimony is not the best evidence
in a case, but when it is found that the majority of
the eyewitnesses agree with each other and that
what they saw and heard fits with the physical
evidence, then this testimony becomes good and
Too, this new investigation should be con-
ducted without the assistance of Dallas District
Attorney Henry Wade. The only part he and his
staff should have in a new inquiry should be as
subpoenaed witnesses whereby they would be
called on, under oath, to tell of their knowledge of
the events of November 22, 1963 and its aftermath.
Mr. Wade (a former FBI agent) and his assistant
Bill Alexander (a close friend of Jack Ruby) were
less than zealous in pursuing the vast and over-
whelming evidence of conspiracy. This lack of zeal
may well be attributed to severe pressure from a
very high federal source. If this was the case (and
there is strong evidence to this effect) then it only
portrays_the total lack of intestinal fortitude, and
hence culpability on the part of the District At-
torney's office. These men were not anxious to
"rock the boat" twelve years ago and there is
absolutely no indication of a change of attitude in
Why not a congressional investigation as has
been called for in recent months? Simply because
any federal re-opening of the investigation would
probably involve, to some extent, the same
agencies who participated in the original cover-up.
There is extreme doubt as to the willingness of
these agencies in taking the steps required to
expose their own manipulated evidence. Also, there
are just too many ties in our present federal
composition to the power we feel is responsible for
the assassination. It was from the federal level that
we received the dishonest report in 1963. It is from
the federal level that we have consistently received
further deceitfulness in order to perpetuate that
dishonest report. We see no reason, under the
present administration, to expect anything dif-
ferent. We can find no basis for trust on a federal
level where assassinations are concerned, whether
they be domestic or foreign.
In Chapter 7 the questions are posed: Cui
Bono? (Who Gained?). Who had reasonable motive
to remove Kennedy from office and benefit or profit
thereby? Who had the power and resources to kill
an American President? Who could manipulate a
cover-up involving federal agencies and
authorities, and prolong the cover-up for more than
a decade? Who could be powerful enough to per-
suade or command some of the highest officials of
our government to perjure themselves to the
American public? To answer these questions we
speculate as to where we feel the responsibility for
the Kennedy assassination lies. We ask that
"Speculation: Who Killed Kennedy?" be read with
an open mind.
In the final chapter we answer the question
most asked by those who finally realize the
enormity of the Kennedy assassination: ". . . if all
this was involved in the killing of our president,
what hope do we have?" Again we ask that this
short chapter entitled "The Hope" be read with an
J. Gary Shaw
"Our great national nightmare is over,"
remarked Gerald R. Ford upon assuming the
Presidency after Richard Nixon was forced to
resign in disgrace. It was a premature and overly-
optimistic judgement on the part of the new
President-by-appointment, for the nation had yet
to learn of the criminal atrocities and cover-ups
conducted by J. Edgar Hoover's Federal Bureau of
Investigation and the Central Intelligence Agency.
The Bureau, we would learn, destroyed and
withheld evidence from the Warren Commission;
carried on a vicious vendetta against Martin
Luther King; and illegally conducted its own
counterintelligence program ("Cointelpro") which
included, among other things, break-ins and
domestic spying. The CIA, we would learn, worked
glove-in-hand with the Mafia in trying to kill Fidel
Castro; planned and carried out assassination plots
against other foreign leaders; experimented with
drugs and behavior control, using unwitting
human guinea pigs; and conducted its own massive
and illegal domestic spying program.
The shocking and disgusting revelations about
these two agencies are a continuation of episodes
which constitute a national nightmare that began
at least as early as November 22, 1963. These
episodes have shaken the confidence of the people,
threatened the very foundations of our government
and have destroyed our credibility and respect
abroad. A dark mood of mistrust and suspicion
lingers over the land, and it is not difficult to
understand why. The United States' record for the
past 12 years is not one to be proud of.
It includes the Vietnam debacle in which
untold billions of dollars—and 50,000 American
lives—were wasted in an undeclared war being
waged for reasons that no one seems to understand.
The record includes the lies and attempted cover-up
of Watergate, which brought about the
resignations of the highest officials of our govern-
ment. As a result, this nation began its 200th year
with a President and a Vice President, neither of
whom were elected by the people.
And the record includes four assassinations: a
murdered President, a murdered Presidential
candidate, the near-murder of another Presidential
hopeful and the killing of the civil rights
movement's leading figure.
Moreover, it is an ominous and frightening
realization when one stops to think that not since
1960 has the United States held a truly democratic
Presidential election. The last three elections in this
country have been decided by bullets rather than
ballots. The assassination of President John
Kennedy brought Lyndon Johnson to power,
enabling him to win a sweeping victory in the 1964
election. The murder of Senator Robert Kennedy
made possible Richard Nixon's narrow victory in
bloody 1968. And the attempt on the life of
Presidential contender George C. Wallace insured
Nixon's re-election landslide of 1972.
And even though all evidence is to the con-
trary, the government assures us that each
assassination was the act of one lone "nut," a
lonely, deranged individual acting of his own ac-
cord. Do Americans accept the government's "no
conspiracy" explanations for these murders? No,
they do not. A poll taken by CBS News and
released on the 12th anniversary of President
Kennedy's death revealed that a mere 15 per cent of
our population believes that Lee Harvey Oswald
alone was responsible for the assassination. CBS
also found that 53 per cent believe a conspiracy
killed Robert Kennedy, and that only 19 per cent
accept an Arthur Bremer/Lone Nut thesis in the
George Wallace shooting. (Why, then, has there
been a lack of vocal and written protest about new
investigations into these assassinations? Rather
than demand of Congress and the White House
that we be given truthful solutions to these
murders, the so-called Silent Majority has
remained all too silent. This apathy suggests that
Americans have developed an aversion to the
Much of the skepticism, of course, stems from
the Watergate scandal. That affair, as we now
know, was a high-level conspiracy to commit a
crime and then to cover-up the facts about that
crime. It involved the lowest of intelligence world
operatives and the highest of wealthy contributors.
The crime involved "mechanics" (operatives) of the
Central Intelligence Agency and anti-Castro
Cubans. The cover-up included the Agency, the
FBI, the Justice Department and the President of
the United States. Those who have studied and
researched the JFK assassination know that it and
the Watergate scenario are all too similar.
Following the foiled break-in of Democratic
Party headquarters in the Watergate office
complex, the first official reaction was to insist that
it was the act of five petty burglars acting as in-
dividuals; in other words, five lone nuts. That
explanation was necessarily voided when it was
discovered that burglar James McCord was
Director of Security for the Committee to Re-Elect
the President (CREEP), and that suspect E.
Howard Hunt, a long-time CIA agent, was
CREEP's White House contact.
A quasi-investigation, like that conducted by
the commission looking into President Kennedy's
murder, was launched; Attorney General Richard
Kleindeinst assured us that the entire matter had
been investigated with the thoroughness of the
Warren Commission(!). Kleindeinst was correct,
for it quickly became evident that the "in-
vestigation" was actually a non-investigation
designed to conceal the truth from the public (just
like the Warren Commission). When the truth
finally did come out, it was learned that the con-
spiracy to hide the facts reached into the highest
echelon of government—all the way to the White
House Oval Office.
We learned, too, of another conspiracy and
cover-up involving the Nixon Administration.
Nixon's hatchet-men waged an all-out campaign to
destroy George Wallace's bid for the Presidency in
1972. Actually, the stop-Wallace effort began in
1970 when Nixon attorney Herbert Kalmbach
secretly funneled $400,000 to Wallace's guber-
natorial oponent, Albert Brewer (who narrowly lost
Nixon aide H.R. Haldeman actually coor-
dinated a secret Wallace vendetta from the White
House. He personally instructed the Internal
Revenue Service to find reason to attack Wallace's
brother and law firm. John Mitchell and Jeb
Magruder paid $10,000 to California Nazis in an
attempt to embarrass the Alabama governor.
Donald Segretti arranged for Hitler cards to be
placed on cars at a Wallace rally. Gordon Liddy
headed a major program trying to remove
Wallace's third party from various state ballots.
When Wallace was shot in May, 1972—one
month before the Watergate break-in—Nixon
henchmen immediately intervened in the in-
vestigation of the assassination attempt. Within an
hour of the shooting in Laurel, Maryland, White
House counsel Charles Colson reportedly was
instructing E. Howard Hunt to fly immediately to
Milwaulkee to plant material in Arthur Bremer's
apartment which would link him to the left-wing.
Colson telephoned W. Mark Felt, assistant director
of the FBI, immediately after the shooting, and it
is interesting to note that the Bureau did not seal
off Bremer's apartment for at least three hours.
The obvious question that comes to mind is: did the
FBI leave the apartment unguarded so that Hunt
could get there first to plant evidence linking the
would-be assassin to the left—or remove evidence
linking him to members of Nixon's re-election
organization? It was during this period that the
press and curious citizens had complete access to
the Bremer apartment, and no one knows what, if
any, evidence was stolen or destroyed. Too, Colson
has admitted to being in constant contact with
Nixon that same afternoon and evening—and it
would be interesting to know just what is contained
in the still-suppressed White House tapes of May
15, 1972. Later, the Treasury Department's
Alcohol, Tobacco and Firearms Division took away
the Milwaulkee Police Department's file on
Bearing in mind that the attempt to conceal or
distort evidence and information is proper
suspicion of guilt, two things are certain: (1) The
Nixon Administration in serious, unethical and
illegal ways attacked a legitimate Presidential
contender who threatened Nixon's chances of
winning the 1972 election; (2) That same ad-
ministration unethically intervened in the in-
vestigation of the Wallace shooting, apparently
using governmental agencies to commit illegal acts
and partisan activity to control the investigation.
No one now doubts that there was a high-level
conspiracy to commit the Watergate break-in, and
that there was an attempt to cover-up proof of the
conspiracy. Few doubt that there was a cover-up in
the investigation of the Wallace shooting, and
some (as Wallace himself has hinted) believe that
there may have been a high-level conspiracy to
remove the controversial governor by
We believe that in this book we have put forth
a reasonable alternative to the unacceptable lies
and misinformation disseminated by the United
States government about the murder of John
It is by no means a complete reconstruction,
and it will remain incomplete as long as the cover-
up is prolonged by federal authorities and major
segments of the mass media. Many, many
questions remain unanswered. How could so
complex a conspiracy be kept quiet? (How did E.
Howard Hunt successfully blackmail the President
of the United States by threatening to reveal past
covert and illegal activities?). Why has no major
figure in the conspiracy come forward? Why has
the news media—which was so persistent in
unearthing the lies and deception of Vietnam and
Watergate—been so apathetic in reporting the
facts about this case (focusing its attention instead
on hostile criticism of those of us who insist on
finding the truth)? The list goes on.
These questions are not for us to answer. That
responsibility lies with the government. But
because they have prolonged a cover-up of facts for
more than 12 years, we have no reason to expect
answers or a truthful solution from federal
authorities. It is unnecessary that we even address
ourselves to this. Nor is it important that the
reader agree with the authors as to who was
responsible for the crime—the point remains: there
was and is a cover-up which involves agencies and
individuals at the highest levels of government.
We realize that some episodes mentioned in
this book may be easily and innocently explained.
We are aware of our ability to make the same errors
we accuse federal officials of making. However,
what has been presented here is as factual as
possible, based on the available evidence. We
believe that our "report" of events related in
Chapter 6 ("The Execution") and Chapter 7
("Speculation: Who Killed Kennedy?") is far more
credible than the scenario presented by our
government. The reader need not be reminded of
the government's lies and deceit regarding
previously mentioned episodes like Vietnam and
Watergate. Frankly, the U.S. government's record
for truthfulness to the people is a disgraceful one.
We see no reason to believe any official statement
regarding the JFK assassination.
As this book demonstrates, there is a high-
level governmental conspiracy which has at-
tempted for more than 12 years to cover up the
facts surrounding the murder of President Ken-
nedy. Those participating in the cover-up include
the heads of the FBI, the CIA and the Justice
Department. And it includes the man who
became—small thanks to Richard Nixon—
President of the United States by appointment:
Gerald Ford of the Warren Commission.
It is the federal government that maintains the
guilt of an innocent Lee Oswald; that continues to
conceal the truth from bewildered citizens. We
believe that those responsible for the assassination
of John Kennedy are still in control (covert though
that control may be) of the individuals who are
supposedly the leaders of our government. Until
their immense power is taken away, until America
provides once again a government of, by and for
the people, there is little chance for this democracy
to survive. Unless the people of this nation turn to
the one true hope, our great national nightmare is
not over. It has only just begun . . . .
Introduction by Penn Jones, Jr. vii
CHAPTER ONE: THE TESTIMONY
I. Testimony Ignored
The Single-Bullet Theory Revisited 3
Commission Members Debunk the Single-Bullet Theory 6
Governor & Mrs. Connally Dispute Single-Bullet Theory 6
Expert Testimony: Doctors Refute Single-Bullet Theory 7
Fifty-One Witnesses: Shots From the Knoll 8
Julia Ann Mercer: A Rifleman on the Knoll 10
Lee Bowers: Three Unauthorized Vehicles Behind the Knoll 10
Two Strangers Behind the Wooden Fence 11
S. M. Holland and Others: The Puff of Smoke 11
J. C. Price: Escape From the Knoll 12
Two Men on the Sixth Floor of the TSBD 12
"If You Didn't See Oswald . . . You Didn't Witness It." 13
Confirmed: A "Get-Away" Vehicle 14
Jack Ruby: "I Want to Tell the Truth, and I Can't Tell it Here 19
Captain Frank Martin: "There is a lot to be said . . . " 20
Relevant Witnesses Not Called 21
II. Testimony Suppressed
"I Was Trying to Hold His Hair on 22
Unwanted Testimony (Off-the-Record Passages) 23
III. Testimony Altered
Ruby Stripper: Testimony Not Accurately Recorded 25
Julia Ann Mercer Again: Even her Signature
was Forged 26
Roger Craig Again: "The Pattern Was so Consistent 26
The Wages of Truth 27
A Key Witness: Testimony Suborned 28
David Belin: From Small-Time Lawyer to
Big-Time Prostitute 28
CHAPTER TWO: THE PHOTOGRAPHS
I. Photographs Ignored
The Zapruder Film 32
Robert Groden: A New Look at the Zapruder Film 33
The Umbrella Man: A Visual Coordinator for the Assassins? 34
The Moorman Photograph: The Shape Behind the Fence 35
The Hughes Film: Two Men on the TSBD Sixth Floor 38
The Nix Film: The Assassination and the Knoll 38
Other Important Films: Assassination and Aftermath 39
The Altgens Photograph : Assassin or witness? 39
II. Photographs Altered
The Walker Photograph and a Mystery Vehicle 43
The World's First Head Transplant 47
III. Photographs Suppressed, Destroyed or Lost
Another Mary Moorman Photograph 50
Similas: "I was told that this negative had somehow
become lost." 51
The Babushka Lady: Her Film 51
. . . . and Her Story 54
Nixon and the Assassination of President Remon 54
Nixon and the Bay of Pigs 55
Nixon in Dallas, November 20-22, 1963 55
Oswald and Ruby 56
CHAPTER THREE: THE MATERIAL EVIDENCE
I. Material Evidence Altered
The Location and Extent of Kennedy's Back Wound 60
The Nature of Kennedy's Throat Wound 63
The Sixth Floor Sniper's Nest 66
II. Material Evidence Suppressed
A Possible Wound of the Left Temple 70
Autopsy Photographs and X-Rays 71
Other Bullets 72
Actual Results of Spectrographic Analysis 76
Actual Results of Neutron Activation Analysis 76
"Missing": JFK's Brain and Skin Tissues 77
III. Material Evidence Destroyed
The Presidential Limousine 77
Governor Connally's Shirt and Suit 78
The Original Autopsy Notes 78
Notes Taken During Oswald's Interrogation 79
CHAPTER FOUR: OTHER SUSPECTS ARRESTED AND RELEASED
Arrests . . . . Tramps or Assassins? 82
More Arrests . . . . The Dal-Tex Building 84
Still More Arrests . . . . Two Men in Ft. Worth 88
Right-Wing Kennedy Hater in Dealey Plaza? 89
Jack Lawrence: The Lying Car Saleman 90
One More Arrest That Night . . . . Oswald's Chauffeur 90
. . . .And an Arrest in New Orleans: "One of History's Most
Important Individuals" 91
No Conspiracy . . . . Oswald Alone Committed the Crime 94
CHAPTER FIVE: UNFOLLOWED LEADS
"Secret Service Agents" in Dealey Plaza Following
the Shooting 98
Dallas Police Car #207 99
Harry Olsen: The Forgetful Flatfoot 102
Stolen License Plates—Tools of the Trade 102
Stolen Plate at the Tippit Scene 102
Stolen Plate from Georgia 103
"Borrowed" License Plate? 103
Two Oswalds? 104
The Mexico "Oswald" 106
"False Oswalds" 107
More "Oswalds" 109
Witnesses Topple, Business as Usual 112
The Warren Commission is guilty of Malfeasance 113
CHAPTER SIX: THE EXECUTION
The Execution: Dealey Plaza Revisited 117
Shot #1 122
Shot #2 128
Shot #3 132
Shot #4 140
Shot #5 148
Shot #6 152
Shot #7 158
CHAPTER SEVEN: SPECULATION: WHO KILLED KENNEDY?
The Right-Wing? 167
Right-Wing Extremist Gives Blueprint for
Texas Oilmen? 170
Fidel Castro? 171
Organized Crime? 171
The Secret Service? 173
Hoover and the FBI? 176
Hoover and the Commission 176
Hoover and Spectrographic Analysis 178
The FPI and Oswald 178
FBI Agent Hosty and Oswald 178
The Oswald Note 179
Tip to FBI Warned of JFK Assassination Attempt 180
Tip to FBI Warned of Oswald Assassination Attempt 180
The FBI and Marina Oswald 180
The FBI at the Texas Theatre 182
The FBI and Jack Ruby 182
Presence of Hoover in Dallas on Nov. 21, 1963 182
Hoover's Power 183
L. B. J.9 184
The Ruby Letter: "Johnson and Others . . . They Alone
Planned the Killing" 185
LBJ Ducked in Dealey Plaza 186
Orders From the Top 186
A Fable: Welcome to the Club 188
Foreign or Domestic Sources? 189
The United States Military— Industrial Complex With its Intelligence Apparatus9 189
1961-62: Thinking the Unthinkable 190
Possible Motives of the Military 191
(a) The Bay of Pigs 192
(b) The Cuban Missile Crisis 192
(c) Planned Detente with Castro's Cuba 192
(d) The Nuclear Test Ban Treaty 192
(e) Efforts to End the Cold War 193
The Case For Military Involvement 193
Army Protection Cancelled 193
Military Intelligence Personnel Present in Dealey Plaza 194
The Autopsy 194
The President and the Bagman 198
Who's in Command? 199
Communications Breakdown 199
In Dallas: Police Radio 199
In Dallas: Motorcade Press Telephone 199
In Washington, D. C.: Telephone system 199
Abroad: Official Code Book "Missing" 199
From Washington: "No Conspiracy" 200
Operation Big-Lift 200
The Commission: Men With Military-CIA Allegiance 200
CHAPTER EIGHT: THE HOPE
Political Failure 208
Economic Failure 209
Educational Failure 210
Church Failure 210
The Abundant Life 211
The Hope 211
RAMBLER STATION WAGON
COUNTY RECORDS BLDG.
TERMINAL ANNEX BLDG.
Location of important witnesses and landmarks, Dealey Plaza, Dallas, Texas; November 22, 1963, 12:30 p.m.
The Warren Commission: Seven judges and no jury. [Bottom]
26 Volumes of allegedly-supporting evidence for the Report.
important crimes in United States history. To
make a part-time, moonlight-type project of the
investigation is, in our opinion, unforgivable., As
the title of Ms. Meagher's book suggests, these
men are accessories after the fact to the murder of
John Kennedy. Their undeniable guilt is presented
here as we examine the testimony of the witnesses
as it was ignored, suppressed and altered in order
to posthumously convict Lee Harvey Oswald of a
crime that he could not and indeed did not commit.
By wedding itself in an unholy marriage to the
Oswald-Lone Assassin lie, the Warren Commission
quickly found itself beset by a variety of dilemmas.
Much of the problem lay in the testimony of
credible witnesses corroborated by other credible
witnesses, and the testimony of medical experts.
All gave statements that virtually precluded the
possibility of one man killing Kennedy and
wounding Connally. Evading the issue, the
Commission resolved its problems with con-
siderable ease: it simply ignored witnesses who
disputed the Lone Assassin and Single-Bullet
The Single-Bullet Theory Revisited
But for bystander Abraham Zapruder and his
home-movie camera, and the fact that a bolt-action
rifle was designated as the sole weapon used in the
assassination, Federal authorities might have
succeeded in convincing Americans that one
assassin killed President John F. Kennedy.
Abraham Zapruder films the most important home movie ever
The rifle, an ancient, poorly-built Italian
Mannlicher Carcano*, was tested by three FDI
firearms experts "not to test the rifle under con-
ditions which prevailed at the time of the
assassination but to determine the maximum speed
at which it could be fired."5According to the
Warren Report, "Tests of the assassin's rifle
disclosed that at least 2.3 seconds were required
between shots."6In other words, the shortest
* The Mannlicher-Carcano rifle allegedly used by Oswald to
assassinate the President was a piece of junk and nothing more.
The October, 1964 issue of Mechani.x Illustrated described the
Italian rifle as "crudely made, poorly designed, dangerous and
inaccurate." Selling for $12.78 (sans scope), the rifle was ac-
tually one year older than the man who allegedly used it to
commit the crime of the century. Its firing pin was worn and
rusty, the bolt was difficult to operate because it frequently
stuck, as did the trigger. 2And according to J. Edgar Hoover,
"the telescopic sight could not be properly alligned with the
target since the sight reached the limit of its adjustment before
reaching accurate alignment."3Furthermore, the scope was
mounted for a left-handed person and Oswald was right-
handed.4These facts are found within the 26 volumes of
Hearings Before the President's Commission On the
Assassination of President Kennedy but were omitted from the
widely-circulated Report of the President's Commission On the
Assassination of President Kennedy (commonly referred to as
the Warren Report).
L MNV(vt. c t1itit (*CAN°
THE REMARKABLE PATH OF
THE PRISTINE BULLET,
ACCORDING TO WARREN COMMISSION
possible time between shots from the Oswald
rifle*— without aiming—is two and three tenths
By the same token, the FBI also tested
Zapruder's Bell & Howell movie camera. Lyndal
Shaneyfelt, the Bureau's photographic expert,
testified, "the Zapruder motion picture camera
operates at an average speed of 18.3 frames per
second . . . the minimum time for firing the rifle in
successive shots is approximately two and a
quarter seconds . . . this gives us this figure of 41
to 42 frames to establish two points in the film
where two successive shots could have been
fired."7In short, for each second elapsed, 18.3 1
frames of film passed through the lens of
Zapruder's camera; the FBI firearms experts,
therefore, required the time equivalent of 42 frames
of Zapruder's camera to fire two shots from the
Oswald rifle—without aiming.
And therein lay a major dilemma for the
Warren Commission, for the Zapruder film
seemingly shows Kennedy and Governor John
Connally reacting to wounds 1.8 seconds apart.**
Thus, the maximum time interval between the hits
on the President and the Governor is less than the
minimum firing time for Oswald's rifle. That is, 1.8
seconds is too short for two shots from the same
weapon, and—because bullets are not known to
pause in mid air—too long for one shot from the
Hence, the Commission faced a choice: either
two assassins had fired almost simultaneously (one
hitting JFK, the other hitting Connally), or else
one bullet had wounded both men.
Because the official explanation called for one
lone nut, the Commission selected the latter and set
out to manufacture a case against Lee Harvey
Oswald. Out of this came one of the most fantastic
fantasies ever conceived by the mind of man. It is
an absurd yarn that strains logic and is con-
tradicted by the ballistics findings, the autopsy
results, the testimony of witnesses, the doctors and
even one of the victims. Known universally as the
"single-bullet theory," it is an insult to the in-
telligence of the American public. This theory holds
* The term "Oswald rifle" will be used in this book to mean the
rifle found on the sixth floor of the Texas School Book
Depository. However, it has never been conclusively
established that the gun actually belonged to the accused
** We propose that Connally was wounded later than most
critics generally believe. This theory — outlined in Chapter Six
— still necessitates at least two gunmen firing from behind the
motorcade, since the President and the Governor are struck 1.2
that an extraordinary bullet from Oswald's cheap
rifle entered Kennedy's neck and exited his throat
(as we shall demonstrate in Chapter 3— it is a fact
that the bullet actually entered the President's
back and did not exit the body). The bullet then
entered Connally's back near the right armpit,
shattered ten centimeters of the fifth rib and exited
below the right nipple to smash through the thick
bone of the right wrist. The bullet ended its
miraculous journey by embedding in the Gover-
nor's left thigh, only to be conveniently found in
Parkland Hospital on a stretcher apparently
unrelated to the care of either Kennedy or Con-
nally. Based on the available evidence, the journey
of this wondrous bullet* would have gone
something like this:
CE399: The Magic Bullet
To account for Connally's slow response the
Commission decided that he suffered a "delayed
reaction" to the impact of a high-powered rifle
bullet smashing his rib and collapsing his right
* Commission Exhibit 399, the star of the single-bullet ex-
travaganza, crowned its achievements by completing its
miraculous journey in pristine condition on a Parkland Hospital
stretcher apparently unrelated to the care of either Kennedy or
Connally. The virtually intact projectile lacked any trace of
flesh, blood or fabric after having traversed two bodies.
Researchers sardonically refer to CE 399 as the "magic",
"super" and "bastard" bullet.
The photographs on this page were
taken by Dallas resident Wilma Bond.
They show many of the witnesses to
the ambush and their reaction following
the shots. Police and spectators are
seen rushing to the grassy knoll in
pursuit of the assassin[s].
[Three more Wilma Bond photographs
are found on page 97.]
Commission Members Debunk the Single-Bullet
It is ironic and perturbing that while our
government expects We the People to accept this
ridiculous one-bullet-seven-wound story, that same
theory was rejected by three members of the seven-
Senator Richard Russell reportedly said that
he would not sign a Report which concluded that
both men were hit by the same bullet.8Russell
later told Harold Weisberg that he had asked
Chairman Earl Warren to include a footnote at the
bottom of the page saying, "Senator Russell
dissents," but that Warren refused, insisting on
unanimity. According to author-researcher
Weisberg, Russell was satisfied that there had been
a conspiracy, that no one man could have done the
known shooting, and that "we have not been told
the truth about Oswald" by Federal agencies.
Russell encouraged Weisberg to challenge and
disprove the Commission's finding.9
Senator John Cooper said, "I, too, objected to
such a conclusion; there was no evidence to show
both men were hit by the same bullet."
Representative Hale Boggs said, "I had strong
doubts about it (the single-bullet theory)," adding
that he felt the question was never resolved.10 I
Indeed, Commission counsel Melvin Eisenberg
admitted that the staff lawyers were at first "in-
credulous of this hypothesis" but gradually became
persuaded that this was the only reasonable way to
explain the fact that both men had been hit within a
second or two of each other.11(Translated, that
means the lawyers realized they were operating on
a preconceived set of conclusions and were
reminded that it would be in their own interest not
to challenge the lone assassin scenario given them.)
Governor and Mrs. Connally Dispute the Single-
Despite overwhelming evidence to the contrary,
the Commission concluded that one bullet, CE 399,
struck both the President and the Governor. To do
so the members had to disregard the testimony of
the person who probably knew best about which
shot struck which man—John B. Connally, a
victim of those rifles in Dealey Plaza.
Connally agreed with all but one of the con-
clusions reached by the Warren Commission;
ironically, that one with which he disagrees is all-
important to the Commission's case for one
gunman. Its entire case rests upon the hypothesis
that Kennedy and Connally were struck by the
same bullet, and that that bullet was CE 399.
The Governor testified that he believed he and
CE 399 (center] looks suspiciously like two bullets fired into
long tubes filled with cotton. Nick on the "Magic Bullet" is
where FBI removed a portion for spectrographic analysis.
Similarity of these three bullets strongly suggests that CE 399
was planted to link Oswald's rifle to the assassination.
the President had been struck by separate bullets:
Mr. Specter: In your view, which bullet
caused the injury to your chest, Governor
Governor Connally; The second one.
Mr. Specter: And what is your reason for
that conclusion, sir?
Governor Connally: Well, in my
judgement, it just couldn't conceivably have
been the first one because I heard the sound
of the shot. In the first place, I don't know
anything about the velocity of this particular
bullet, but any rifle has a velocity that ex-
ceeds the speed of sound, and when I heard
the sound of that first shot, that bullet had
already reached where I was, or it had
reached that far, and after I heard that shot,
I had the time to turn to my right, and start
to turn to my left before I felt anything.
It is not conceivable to me that I could have been
hit by the first bullet, and then I felt the blow from
something which was obviously a bullet, which I
assumed was a bullet, and I never heard the second
shot, didn't hear it. I didn't hear but two shots. I
think I heard the first shot and the third shot.
Mr. Specter: Do you have any idea as to
why you did not hear the second shot?
Governor Connally: Well, first, again I
assume the bullet was traveling faster than
the sound. I was hit by the bullet prior to the
time the sound reached me, and I was in
either a state of shock or the impact was such
that the sound didn't even register on me,
but I was never conscious of hearing the
second shot at all.
Obviously, at least the major wound that I
took in the shoulder through the chest
couldn't have been anything but the second
shot. Obviously, it couldn't have been the
third, because when the third shot was fired I
was in a reclining position, and heard it, saw
it and the effects of it, rather—I didn't see it,
I saw the effects of it —so it obviously could
not have been the third, and couldn't have
been the first, in my judgement.12
After the Commission concluded that he was
mistaken, Connally continued to publicly profess
disbelief in the single-bullet theory, while at the
same time agreeing that Oswald had been the only
gunman. Three years after the assassination he
told Life magazine, "They talk about the 'one-
bullet or two-bullet theory' but as far as I'm
concerned, there is no 'theory.' There is my ab-
solute knowledge, and Nellie's (Mrs. Connally) too,
that one bullet caused the President's first wound,
and that an entirely separate shot struck me. It's a
certainty. I'll never change my mind."13
Mrs. Connally was sitting beside her husband
when he was shot, and she supported his remarks.
She told the Commission:
"Then very soon there was the second shot
that hit John. As the first shot was hit, I
turned to look at the same time and I recall
John saying 'Oh no, no no.' Then there was a
second shot and it hit John, and as he
recoiled to the right, just crumpled like a
wounded animal to the right, he said, 'My
God,they are going to kill us ail " '14
If Connally is correct (and he supported by his
wife, witnesses to the shooting and his doctors),
the Warren Report crumbles, for as Commission
staff member Norman Redlich admitted, "To say
that they were hit by separate bullets is
synonymous with saying that there were at least
Expert Testimony: Doctors Refute the Single-
That a bullet could inflict seven wounds in two
persons and emerge in pristine condition is totally
incomprehensible to anyone possessing common
sense, yet this is the story the Warren Commission
expected the American public to • believe.
Testimony by medical experts made it perfectly
clear that CE 399 could not have caused wounds to
both men for the simple reason that more
fragments remained in Connally's wrist and thigh
than were missing from CE 399!
Dr. Robert Shaw, Connally's Parkland Hospi-
tal physician, told the Commission: "As far as the
wounds of the chest are concerned, I feel that this
bullet (CE 399) could have inflicted those wounds.
The Commission's "Magic" Bullet" [left] and bullets test-fired
into the wrist of a cadaver [center] and a cadaver skull [right].
Note mutilation of bullet fired into cadaver's wrist, yet pristine
CE 399 is supposed to have gone through Kennedy, smashed
Connally's rib, shattered his wrist and embedded in his left
But the examination of the wrist both by X-ray and
at the time of surgery showed some fragments of
metal that make it difficult to believe that the same
missile could have caused these two wounds. There
seems to be more than three grains of metal
missing, as far as the—I mean in the wrist.
"I feel that there would be some difficulty in
explaining all of the wounds as being inflicted by
bullet exhibit 399 without causing more in the way
of loss of substance to the bullet or deformation of
the bullet ."15
Lt. Col. Pierre Finck, an Army physician at
Bethesda Naval Hospital, was asked by Com-
mission counsel Arlen Specter, "And could it (CE
399) have been the bullet which inflicted the wound
on Governor Connally's right wrist?"
Finck replied, "No; for the reason that there
are too many fragments described in that wrist."16
And Navy physician Commander James
The reason I believe it most unlikely that
this missile could have inflicted either of
these wounds is that the missile is basically
intact; its jacket appears to me to be intact,
and I do not understand how it could
possibly have left fragments in either of these
(Some Testimony Omitted)
Mr. Specter: Dr. Humes, under your
opinion which you have just given us, what
effect, if any, would that have on whether
this bullet, 399, could have been the one to
lodge in Governor Connally's thigh?
Commander Humes: I think that ex-
tremely unlikely. The reports, again Exhibit
392 from Parkland, tell of an entrance wound
The Testimony 8
on the lower midthigh of the Governor, and
X-rays taken there are described as showing
metallic fragments in the bone, which ap-
parently by this report were not removed and
are still present in Governor Connally's
thigh. I can't conceive of where they came
from this missile.
Representative Ford: The missile iden-
tified as Exhibit 399?
Commander Humes: 399, sir.17
The testimony of these three doctors leaves no
doubt as to the total impossibility of CE 399 having
caused wounds to both Kennedy and Connally. But
in its typical "to heck with the evidence" attitude,
the Commission casually lied as it stated:
. . there is very persuasive evidence from the
experts to indicate that the same bullet which
pierced the President's throat also caused Governor
The Commission knew full well that Kennedy
and Connally were not wounded by the same bullet,
and that by no stretch of the imagination could
they both have been struck by the pristine CE 399.
It could not be but had to be, in order for the
Commission to deliver a guilty verdict against
scapegoat Lee Oswald.
This is only one of many examples of how the-1
Commission attempted to deceive the public. It
was easy to write in the Report that "the evidence
shows" or "expert testimony indicates" because
few people would bother to verify for themselves
the remarks contained in the Report by examining
the 26 volumes of supposedly supporting evidence.
Again and again, statements in the Report are
directly contradicted by the testimony and exhibits
in the accompanying volumes.*
The testimony of FBI photographic and
firearms experts, of Governor and Mrs. Connally
and of competent physicians, destroys the basic
premise of the Warren Report—that Oswald alone
shot and killed President Kennedy and wounded
the Governor of Texas. The inescapable conclusion
is that at least two gunmen were firing from behind
the motorcade. Two makes a conspiracy. As the
reader will see in subsequent chapters, there were
more than two.
• While millions of copies of the Warren Commission Report
were printed and distributed, only 8,000 sets of the 26 volumes
were printed. Originally selling for $76.00 a set, these books are
now so rare that in 1975 the co-author of this book paid $700.00
for a set. An auction in Canada saw a set sell for more than
$2,000.00. While a book or pamphlet on every insect in this
country can be obtained from the Government, the facts about
the assassination of a President are unavailable.
Fifty-One Witnesses: Shots From the Knoll
It is obvious from the testimony of the
eyewitnesses that a gunman or gunmen fired at the
motorcade from a point to the front of the
presidential limousine. In light of the available
evidence it is probable that at least two of the shots
which struck President Kennedy were fired from
the grassy knoll to the right front of the
presidential limousine. This conclusion is based on
the Abraham Zapruder film and on the testimony,
statements and reaction of the witnesses to the
The Zapruder film problem was taken care of—
it was suppressed—but the large number of wit-
nesses presented a problem to this commission
operating on a set of preconceived conclusions.
This too, though, was resolved with considerable
ease: very few of the spectators who had stated
that shots were fired from a location other than the
Texas School Book Depository were called to
appear before the Warren Commission. This was
particularly true of those persons standing nearest
Kennedy during the shooting. For instance, 12
persons* standing on the north side of Elm Street
at the base of the knoll stated that shots were fired
from directly behind them. Of those 12, only two
were called to testify. One of them was Abraham
Zapruder, and his questioning centered around the
terms of the sale of his film to Life magazine, not
the shooting. Thus, the few who were called to
testify and gave testimony indicating a multi-
assassin ambush were simply ignored.
EJt106 ticE Cavil24,29 c rs CGA/ ci-,15,
As represented in the 26 volumes of hearings and
exhibits before the Warren Commission, by
testimony or affidavit, 126 of at least 266 known
witnesses to the assassination gave statements.
Regarding the source of the shots, 38 gave no
opinion (many were not asked), 32 placed the origin
of shots at the Book Depository and 51 believed
shots were fired from the knoll area.19The dif-
ference of opinion is not surprising and both groups
are correct—as will be shown, shots were fired from
Among the witnesses were a number of local
law enforcement officials who, because of their
training and experience, could be expected to
recognize the specific area from which a weapon is
• Abraham Zapruder, William and Gail Newman, A.J.
Millican (who placed shots from the knoll and the Depository),
Jean Newman, Malcolm Summers,Mr. & Mrs. Charles Hester,
Mr. & Mrs. John A. Chism, Emmett Hudson and Mary
woltRE itieoe ovATAlit mace
The Testimony 10
Dave Powers [left) and Kenneth O'Donnell with Kennedy
Mexico City eight weeks before the assassination
and had contacted the Cuban and Soviet Em-
bassies there. They also knew that Chicago
mobsters Sam Giancana and John Roselli had been
approached by the CIA about a contract to
assassinate Fidel Castro in 1961. Had these facts
become known to the general public, Wiedrich said,
there would have been strong suspicions that
Kennedy's murder had been in retaliation for the
plot(s) to kill Castro. Too, the Soviet Union would
have been eyed because Oswald had lived there
from 1959 to 1962.27
Naturally, O'Donnell and Powers firmly
denied the Wiedrich story .28But because of the
way Federal investigators handled other witnesses,
we choose to believe the columnist's report, and we
believe that other Federal employees riding in the
motorcade were advised or ordered to testify in
compliance with the government theory that all
shots came from the Book Depository.
Sam "Moms" Giancana
Mobster John Roselli
Julia Ann Mercer: A Rifleman on the Knoll
Several hours prior to the execution of John F.
Kennedy, 23-year-old Julia Ann Mercer was
driving west on Elm St. in downtown Dallas; she
had just passed the seven-story Texas School Book
Depository building and was headed toward what
is known locally as the Triple Underpass.29 The
young lady had no way of knowing she had en-
tered an area predesignated as the "Kill Area" for
the precision ambush that would occur at 12:30
p.m. that day.
Traffic here was congested because a pickup
ti uck was illegally parked in the far right lane; one-
half of the vehicle rested on the sidewalk, the other
half in the street. Miss Mercer was stopped directly
behind the truck, waiting to pass it, when the
passenger dismounted the truck's cab, removed a
rifle case from the back and proceeded afoot up a
grassy embankment toward a wooden fence. He
was a white male in his late twenties or early
thirties and was wearing a plaid shirt.30
The next day Miss Mercer reported this in-
cident to the FBI and made a startling revelation
about the driver of the truck. The significance of
her identification of the driver would not be fully
realized until Sunday, November 24. This
revelation, along with her report of a man with a
rifle near the assassination site, was not good for
the government's lone assassin theory. Her report
had to be ignored but not until it had been altered,
as detailed later in this chapter.
Lee Bowers: Three Unauthorized Vehicles Behind
Lee Bowers, Jr., an employee of the Union
Terminal Railroad Company, was stationed
November 22 on the second level of a 14-foot
control tower that sets fifty yards west of the Texas
School Book Depository and about seventy-five
yards north of the wooden stockade fence atop the
Testifying before Warren Commission counsel
in Dallas Bowers stated that in the half-hour
preceding the assassination, three automobiles
entered the parking lot-railroad yard area, which
was supposed to have been sealed off by police.
Bowers described the first car as a 1959 Oldsmobile
station wagon driven by a white male. This vehicle
bore out-of-state license plates and a "Goldwater
Entering the area about fifteen minutes later
was a 1957 black Ford operated by a white male
who appeared to be holding a microphone to his
mouth. Like the first car, this one cruised slowly
about the area, then exited via the Elm Street
Holland's testimony, corroborated by at least
six persons, was not good for the lone assassin
theory. The Commission ignored his remarks about
the puff of smoke and a fourth shot, but tried to use
his statements to disprove speculation that a shot
or shots came from the knoll: "Holland, for
example, immediately after the shots, ran off the
overpass to see if there was anyone behind the
picket fence on the north side of Elm Street, but he
did not see anyone among the parked cars."42 The
Report fails to point out that on November 22 the
parking lot was "a sea of cars" (as Holland
described it to Mark Lane) and climbing over
bumpers and hoods, it took the men at least two
minutes to reach the east corner of the fence.43
J. C. Price: Escape From the Knoll
Post Office employee J. C. Price was never
called to testify, although (or because) he signed an
affidavit stating that immediately after the shots
he saw a man with something in his right hand run
across the railroad yard that lies beyond the
wooden fence.'" Price observed this from the roof
of the Terminal Annex Building on the south side
of Dealey Plaza. Since he never testified, in-
dependent researchers had to obtain the details
from Price. He told Mark Lane that the man "was
running very fast, which gave me the suspicion
that he was doing the shooting," and that the man
ran "over behind that wooden fence, past the cars
and over behind the Texas Depository Building."
For years no one could be found to corroborate
Price's account. In 1975 the co-author of this book
learned of another witness who saw a man running
across the area behind the fence. This witness, now
deceased, watched the motorcade through
binoculars from a window on an upper floor of the
same building from which Price made his ob-
servations. This man, a U.S. Postal Inspector,
never reported what he saw to any law enforcement
or investigative agency, even though he later
participated in the investigation of Lee Oswald's
post office box in Dallas and the receipt of the mail-
order rifle allegedly used by Oswald to kill the
This story was reported by a neighbor of .the
witness; his widow verified that her husband had
witnessed the assassination but refused to
acknowledge that he had seen a man running after
the shots. According to her neighbor, the woman is
reluctant to discuss the subject because she feels
her husband's death in a 1969 one-car accident was
related to what he had seen on November 22 or
J. C. Price: Escape from Richard Carr: Escape from
the grassy knoll. the Book Depository.
what he may have learned during the investigation
conducted by the Postal Inspector's office.46
Two Men on the Sixth Floor of the TSBD
Carolyn Walther told the FBI that minutes
before the assassination she was standing on
Houston Street in front of the Dallas County /)1116$
Records Building and observed two men, one thvc4.°'
holding a rifle, on the fourth or fifth floor of the tAl'9a1
Book Depository.* The man with the rifle, whom
she thought was a guard, was in the southeast
corner window (the so-called "Oswald window")
and was wearing a white shirt and had blonde or
light brown hair. In the same window, to the left of
the gunman, Mrs. Walther saw part of another
man who was wearing a brown suitcoat.47Carolyn
Walther was not called to testify before the
Standing on Elm Street, Arnold Rowland also
saw two men on the sixth floor. One man was
wearing a "very light-colored shirt" and holding a
rifle; Rowland thought it was a Secret Service
agent. However, this man was in the southwest
corner window, at the opposite end of the building
from the Oswald window.48It is interesting that
although he had seen a man with a gun on the sixth
floor, Rowland thought shots were fired from the
grassy knoll. Ronald Fischer, too, thought shots
came from the knoll, even though he had seen a
man wearing a white shirt and holding a rifle on the
sixth floor of the Depository.49 The ob-
servations of Walther and Rowland are corro-
borated by photographic evidence, as we shall
discuss in the next chapter.
* Mrs. Walther, like a number of other persons, was probably
confused about the floor. Apparently this is because there are
no windows on the first floor and many people begin counting
with the second floor.
It should be noted that after his arrest, Oswald
said he was on the first floor of the building at the
time of the assassination. He was seen on the first
floor at noon by fellow-employee Eddie Piper.56
Secretary Carolyn Arnold believed she saw Oswald
on the first floor in the vestibule at 12:15.51 At
exactly 12:15 Arnold Rowland was watching the
man with the gun five floors above.52
0. V. Campbell, vice-president of the Texas
School Book Depository, told a reporter for the
Dallas Times Herald that after the shots, he
"raced" into his building and saw Oswald in a
storage room on the first floor.53Campbell, as far
as can be determined at this time, never testified or
signed an affidavit.
Victoria Adams testified that she watched the
motorcade from the fourth floor of the Depository,
and within one minute of the shots, descended to
the first floor via the same stairway Oswald would
have used coming from the sixth floor.54If she is
accurate about the time element, and if Oswald
came down the stairway as the Commission said he
did, Miss Adams should have encountered the
L alleged assassin; she did not.
"If You Didn't See Oswald . . . You Didn't
Mrs. Walther was not the only person to see a
man wearing a brown suit coat on an upper floor of
the Depository. Steelworker Richard Randolph
Carr was working on the seventh story of the new
courthouse building, then under construction at
Commerce and Houston Streets. Carr saw,
standing on the sixth floor of the Depository, a
heavy-set man wearing a hat, tan sportcoat and
horn-rimmed glasses. Very shortly after the
President was shot Carr observed a Rambler
station wagon with a luggage rack parked facing
north alongside the eastern side of the Depository
and on the wrong side of Houston Street. Two men
ran from either inside or from behind the building
and entered the Rambler, which left in such a hurry
that one of its doors was still open; Carr last saw
the station wagon speeding north on Houston.55
After climbing to the ground to see what had
happened, Carr looked up Houston Street and saw
the same man in the tan jacket that he had seen in
the Book Depository. Carr told the author that the
man was "in an extreme hurry and kept looking
over his shoulder." He was last seen walking
rapidly eastward on Commerce Street. Carr was
not called to testify before the Warren Com-
But the experience he had with agencies in-
vestigating the President's murder was typical of
that of several other witnesses. Carr told the author
in a taped interview: "The FBI came to my house—
there was two of them—and they said they heard I
witnessed the assassination and I said I did. They
told me, 'If you didn't see Lee Harvey Oswald in
the School Book Depository with a rifle, you didn't
witness it'. I said, 'Well, the man I saw on
television that they tell me is Lee Harvey Oswald
was not in the window of the School Book
Depository. That's not the man.' And he (the FBI
agent) said I better keep my mouth shut. He did
not ask me what I saw, he told me what I saw."57
Not long after the above visit, real harassment
began. Like a number of other witnesses, Carr
found that it could be frustrating—and downright
dangerous—if one tried to contradict the official lie
in favor of the facts. One night Carr was pah. q visit
by twelve Dallas policemen and detectives. With a
search warrant they went through the entire home
("They tore up the house," Carr said), supposedly
searching for "stolen articles." While this was done
Carr and his wife were ordered to sit on a couch
while two of the policemen held shotguns on them.
They took Carr and his son to jail and held the elder
overnight. His son was questioned for several
hours as they attempted to make him admit that
"stolen articles" were in his father's house. The
following day Carr received an anonymous
telephone call advising him to "get out of Texas."
The threatening phone calls continued and finally,
for the safety of his family, Carr moved to Mon-
Things for Carr were no better in Montana.
One morning three sticks of dynamite were found
wired to the ignition of his automobile. Fifteen
days before he was to testify at the Clay Shaw trial
in New Orleans, Carr stepped out on his front porch
and was almost shot by a gunman; Can was alerted
by a policeman who lived next door and they were
able to apprehend the would-be killer.59
After testifying at the hearing for Shaw, Carr
was attacked in Atlanta, Georgia by two men, one
of which stabbed Carr in the back and in the left
arm; the knife blade actually broke off in his arm.
Carr shot one of the assailants three times, killing
him. He then fled to relatives in West Virginia
where he turned himself in and was later no-billed
by an Atlanta jury.66
Carr and his family were not bothered for
several years. But in early 1975, as talk of re-
opening the JFK investigation increased, they
began to receive more threatening phone calls. Now
Carr no longer answers the telephone unless he is
certain who is calling.61
Carr's statements regarding the man leaving
Craig in crowd following Dealey Plaza ambush; he glances
toward embankment in front of Book Depository.
A Rambler station wagon with luggage rack going west on Elm
Street; the time is 12:40 p.m. All is just as Craig told the
The Rambler station wagon proceeds west on Elm toward the
Triple Underpass [seen behind bus].
Craig's attention is focused on something on Elm Street as the
Rambler [behind agent and bus] comes down the street. Man in
work clothing has just begun to cross the street.
Jack Ruby: "I Want To Tell the Truth, and I Can't
Tell It Here . . ."
The testimony of the most important known
figure in the events surrounding President Ken-
nedy's death was not taken until six months after
the Warren Commission had been created. Even
then, only two of the seven members (Warren and
Gerald Ford) bothered to travel to Dallas to hear
the statements of Jack Ruby. The following
exerpts from Ruby's testimony speak for them-
selves and are a reflection on the Commission's
apathy toward persons offering information that
might challenge the official story of the
Mr. Ruby: Gentlemen, my life is in danger
here. Not with my guilty plea of execution.
Do I sound sober enough to you as I say
Chief Justice Warren: You do. You sound
Mr. Ruby: From the moment I started my
testimony, have I sounded as though, with
the exception of becoming emotional, have I
sounded as though I made sense, what I was
Chief Justice Warren: You have indeed. I
understood everything you have said. If I
haven't, it is my fault.
Mr. Ruby: Then I follow this up. I may not
live tomorrow to give any further testimony.
The reason why I add this to this, since you
assure me that I have been speaking sense by
then, I might be speaking sense by following
what I have said, and the only thing I want
to get out to the public, and I can't say it
here, is with authenticity, with sincerity of
the truth of everything and why my act was
committed, but it can't be said here.
It can be said, it's got to be said amongst
people of the highest authority that would
give me the benefit of doubt. And following
that, immediately give the lie detector test
after I do make the statement.
Chairman Warren, if you felt that your life
was in danger at the moment, how would you
feel? Wouldn't you be reluctant to go on
speaking, even though you request me to do
Chief Justice Warren: I think I might have
some reluctance if r was in your position,
yes; I think I would. I think I would figure it
out very carefully as to whether it would
endanger me or not.
If you think that anything that I am doing
or anything I am asking you is endangering
you in any way, shape, or form, I want you
to feel absolutely free to say that the in-
terview is over.
Mr. Ruby: What happens then? I didn't
Chief Justice Warren: No, nothing has
Mr. Ruby: Well, then you won't follow up
with anything further?
Chief Justice Warren: There wouldn't be
anything to follow up if you hadn't com-
pleted your statement.
Mr. Ruby: You said you have the power to
do what you want to do, is that correct?
Chief Justice Warren: Exactly.
Mr. Ruby: Without any limitations?
Chief Justice Warren: Within the purview
of the Executive order which established the
Commission. We have the right to take
testimony of anyone we want in this whole
situation, and we have the right, if we so
choose to do it, to verify that statement in
any way that we wish to do it.
Mr. Ruby: But you don't have the right to
take a prisoner back with you when you want
Chief Justice Warren: No, we have the
power to subpoena witnesses to Washington
if we want to do it, but we have taken the
testimony of 200 or 300 people, I would
imagine, here in Dallas without going to
Mr. Ruby: Yes, but those people aren't
Chief Justice Warren: No, they weren't.
Mr. Ruby: They weren't.
(Some Testimony Omitted)
Gentlemen, if you want to hear any further
testimony, you will have to get me to
Washington soon, because it has something
to do with you, Chief Warren.
Do I sound sober enough to tell you this?
Chief Justice Warren: Yes; go right ahead.
Mr. Ruby: I want to tell the truth, and I
can't tell it here. I can't tell it here. Does that
make sense to you?
Chief Justice Warren: Well, let's not talk
about sense. But I really can't see why you
can't tell this Commission.
(Some Testimony Omitted)
Mr. Ruby: When are you going back to
Chief Justice Warren: I am going back
very shortly after we finish this hearing — I
am going to have some lunch.
What did Martin wish to say? Was he going to
reveal that Assistant Chief of Police Charles
Batchelor and Lieutenant George Butler had
arranged Jack Ruby's entry into the basement of
the police station to kill Lee Oswald?*
Relevant Witnesses Not Called
In a waste of time and taxpayers' money, the
Commission listened to a number of unnecessary
witnesses who offered meaningless and irrelevant
testimony. Among those who had no reason to
testify were Mrs. Anne Boudreaux, who knew a
woman who had been Oswald's baby-sitter for two
weeks when he was two-and-a-half years old (Mrs.
Boudreaux had never even known Oswald or his
mother); Mrs. Viola Peterman, a neighbor of
Marguerite Oswald in 1941 and who had not seen or
heard from her in 27 years; Professor Revilo
Pendleton Oliver, called to discuss an article he had
written ("Marxmanship in Dallas"), taking up 35
pages of testimony proving that he had absolutely
no pertinent_ information pertaining to the in-
Meanwhile, many important witnesses who
might have shed light on various aspects of the
assassination were totally disregarded. They in-
James Chaney, the motorcycle officer
closest to JFK during the assassination. He
said he saw "the President struck in the
face" by the final bullet.
Approximately 196 witnesses who were in
Dealey Plaza at the time of the President's
murder; the names of these persons were
known but the Commission showed no in-
terest in what they might have observed on
November 22. Not included in the 196 are a
group of prisoners who watched the
motorcade from an upper floor of the jail on
the east side of the plaza.
Milton Jones, who told the FBI that
shortly after the assassination he was on a
bus that was boarded and searched by Dallas
Police after Oswald had debarked. At that
time, according to the Commission, no one
knew that Oswald had left his place of em-
ployment at the Texas School Book
Mary Dowling, a waitress at Dallas'
Dobbs House restaurant who told the FBI
that Oswald and policeman J.D. Tippit were
* Martin, a 33-year veteran of the Dallas Police Department,
got sick on the job on May 25, 1966. Less than a month later he
was dead of apparent cancer at age 56.72
in that restaurant at the same time on
November 20. Tippit, she said, noticed
Oswald after he raised a fuss about the food.
Alonzo Hudkins, A Houston Post reporter
who gave information that Oswald was being
paid $200 a month as FBI informant #S-172.
Ray Rushing, an evangelist who at-
tempted to see Oswald at the Dallas Police
station early Sunday morning, November 24.
Rushing said he rode up an elevator with
Jack Ruby at 9:30 a.m. (when Ruby was
supposedly at home, according to the
Commission; it said he didn't arrive there
until 11:17 a.m.). In view of reports that a
high-ranking official of the police department
escorted Ruby into the basement to shoot
Oswald, Rushing could have been an im-
Lt. George Butler, an extreme right-wing
Dallas policeman who lied about Ruby's
criminal associations and activities, and who
was behaving so strangely in the police
station basement shortly before Oswald was
executed by Ruby. Thayer Waldo, then a
reporter for the Fort Worth Star-Telegram,
told Commission counsel, "What I wanted to
say about Lieutenant Butler was that this
almost solid poise, or perhaps phlegmatic
poise is a better word, that I had noticed all
through even the most hectic times of the
22nd and the 23rd, appeared to have deserted
him completely on the morning of the 24th.
He was an extremely nervous man, so
nervous that when I was standing asking
him a question after I had entered the ramp
and gotten down to the basement area, just
moments before Oswald was brought down,
he was standing profile to me and I noticed
his lips trembling as he listened arid waited
for my answer. It was simply a physical
characteristic. I had by then spent enough
hours talking to this man so that it struck me
as something totally out of character."
Perhaps Butler's anxiety can be traced to
police assistance in getting Ruby into that
basement to murder the accused assassin.
Butler was overseeing the transfer of Oswald
and it was he who gave the signal for the
transfer to begin. Police officials had an-
nounced that the transfer would begin at
10:00 a.m., but Oswald was not brought
down until 11:21, just four minutes after
Ruby moved into position in the basement.
Admiral George Burkley, Kennedy's
personal physician, who was in the fateful
Vn.)106vcE 1 big/ cvap
motorcade; was with the President at
Parkland Hospital; was on the plane back to
Washington; was present during the
autopsy; was recipient of all the official
John T. Stringer and Lt. William Pitzer,
who photographed and x-rayed the
President's body at Bethesda Naval
James Sibert and Francis O'Neill, two FBI
agents who were present for the autopsy, and
whose report on that proceeding clashes with
the eventual conclusions of the Warren
Abraham Bolden, the first Negro member
of the White House detail of the Secret
Service. His request to appear before the
Commission was turned down by his
superiors. Bolden wanted to inform the
Commission of a Chicago plot to kill JFK,
and of the laxity among Secret Service
personnel assigned to protect the President.
Three weeks before Dallas the Secret Service,
in a hush-hush operation, foiled an assassi-
nation attempt planned for Kennedy's
November 1 visit to Chicago; curiously, the
agents involved in that particular case were
instructed not to discuss it with anyone, not
even the Commission.
In May, 1964 Bolden was indicted on a
charge of soliciting a $50,000 bribe in ex-
change for a secret government file on in-
dicted counterfeiter Joseph Spagnoli. Bolden
was sentenced to six years in prison. Sub-
sequently, Spagnoli admitted under oath
that he had committed perjury when he
testified against Bolden, and that he had
done so at the request of prosecutor Richard
Sikes. Still, the Court of Appeals rejected
Bolden's plea for a new trial, and he was
required to serve his full term.74
An honest approach to the investigation would
not have necessitated the almost total disregard of
credible eyewitnesses and witnesses with poten-
tially significant information. The odds against the
scenario eventually set forth by the Commission
were overwhelming. The seven-member panel
heard refutation of the single-bullet theory by
witnesses, medical experts and the Connallys; all
were ignored, and the Commission lied outright to
The Commission lied again by stating that
there was no evidence of shots from anywhere other
than the Book Depository—when no less than 51
witnesses said shots came from the grassy knoll.
They turned a deaf ear to the strange activity in the
knoll area before, during and after the shots. They
closed their eyes when witnesses told of two men on
the TSBD sixth floor, where only Oswald should
have been, in spite of this testimony being sup-
ported by photographic evidence. Likewise ignored
were reports of men fleeing the knoll area and the
rear exit of the book building, and witnesses who
told of a get-away automobile leaving Dealey Plaza
after the shots. _J
Jack Ruby, the most important live, known
figure in the events surrounding the death of the
President, was snubbed as he pleaded to be taken
to Washington—to tell the truth because he felt his
life endangered in Dallas. Brushing him aside,
Commissioners Warren and Ford hastily left for
lunch, rather than face the possibility of disclosure
of a conspiracy.
Theirs was not a mission of objectivity.
Rather, their goal throughout the investigation
was to conceal the truth. This they did by con-
tinuously ignoring credible witnesses.
All of the witnesses who gave testimony
contradictory to the official version of the
assassination could not be ignored. Even in this
situation, though, the Commission had an out.
When you can't ignore it—hide it.
"I was trying to hold his hair on . . . "
There was one witness the Commission could
not ignore, one whose testimony they dared not
alter. When this witness made statements that
conflicted with the official story of one man firing
from behind the motorcade, that portion of her
testimony was deleted from the printed testimony
in the Hearings.
The widow of President Kennedy should have
been one of the first witnesses called by the
Commission, and her questioning should have been
thorough and extensive. Instead, Jacqueline
Kennedy did not appear before the Commission
until seven months after the day she was splattered
with her husband's blood and brains. Even though
she was the nearest eyewitness, her testimony
takes up a scant three pages of the 7,909 pages of
testimony in Volumes 1-15 of the Hearings.
Mrs. Kennedy was readily and willingly
relating her traumatic experience of November 22
to Earl Warren and J. Lee-Rankin, and at the point
in her printed testimony where she was apparently
about to describe her husband's fatal head wound,
The Testimony 30
NOTES - CHAPTER ONE
1. Meagher-Accessories After the Fact, p. XXX (Bobbs- 53. Dallas Times-Herald, 11-23-63.
Merrill Co., Inc.). 54. VI H 392.
2. Report, p. 193; III H 447, 449. 55. Interview of Richard Carr by Gary Shaw, 4-75.
3. XXVI H 104. 56. Ibid.
4. CE 2560. 57. Ibid.
5. III H 405. 58. Ibid.
6. Report, p. 97. 59. Ibid.
7. Ibid, pp. 153-54. 60. Ibid.
8. Epstein, Edward-Inquest, p. 149 (Viking Compass 61. Ibid.
edition, Viking Press). 62. XVI H 959. II H 196.
9. Weisberg, Harold-Whitewash IV, p. 21. 63. Jones-op. cit. (Vol. II), p. 27.
10. Epstein-op. cit., p. 150. 64. Interview of Roger Craig by Gary Shaw, 5-71.
11. Ibid, p. 117. 65. CD 5.
12. IV H 132-136. 66. Report, pp. 160-61.
13. Life, 11-25-66. 67. Ibid, pp. 19, 61.
14. IV H 147. 68. Excerpts from the testimony of Jack Ruby, Vol. V, pp.
15. IV H 113, 114. 181-213; XIV, 504-570.
16. II H 382. 69. Dallas Morning News, 10-6-66.
17. Ibid, 374.76. 70. Meacher-op. cit., p. 452.
18. Report, p. 19. 71. XII H 284.
19. Feldman, Harold-Fifty-One Witnesses: The Grassy Knoll 72. Jones-op. cit. (Vol. II), p. 16.
(Idlewild Press). 73. This section is based on an article written by Sylvia
20. New York Daily News, 11-24-63. Meagher and published in the December 1966 issue of
21. CE 1974, p. 163. Esquire magazine.
22. New York Times, 11-24-63. 74. Fensterwald, Bernard-"The Case of Secret Service Agent
23. CE 1974, p. 163. Abraham W. Bolden" -Computers & Automation, 6-71.
24. III H 191. 75. Cited in Post Mortem by Harold Weisberg (p. 380).
25. Ibid, pp. 175, 192-193. 76. V H 255-58.
26. Lane, Mark-Rush to Judgement, p. 37 (Holt, Rinehart & 77. Rolling Stone, 4-24-75.
Winston). 78. Ibid, p. 31.
79. Jones-op. cit. (Vol. IV), pp. 147-149.
27. Chicago Tribune, 6-15-75. 80. Garrison, Jim-A Heritage of Stone, pp. 171-174 (G. P.
28. Ibid. Putnam's Sons, N. Y.).
29. XIX H 483. 81. Ibid.
30. Ibid. 82. Ibid.
31. VI H 284. 83. Authors' files (copies of affidavit given the New Orleans
32. Ibid, 286. District Attorney's office by Miss Mercer).
33. Ibid. 84. Ibid.
34. Ibid. 85. Ibid.
35. Ibid, 287. 86. Ibid.
36. Ibid, 288. 87. Thompson, Josiah-Six Seconds in Dallas, p. 112 (Bernard
37. Lane-op, cit., p. 32. Geis Associates).
38. Jones, Penn-Forgive My Grief II, p. 27. (Midlothian 88. Jones-op. cit. (Vol. III), p. 33.
Mirror). 89. Interview of Roger Craig by Gary Shaw, 5-71.
39. Lane-op. cit., p. 40. 90. VI H 270.
40. VI H 243, 244. 91. IV H 245.
41. Ibid. 92. Jones-op. cit. (Vol. III), p. 30.
42. Report, p. 76. 93. Ibid.
43. Lane-op. cit., pp. 34-35. 94. Interview of Roger Craig by Gary Shaw, 5-71.
44. XIX H 492. 95. Conversation with Penn Jones, 4-75.
45. Lane-op. cit., p. 32. 96. Dallas Times-Herald, 5-16-75.
46. Interviews conducted by Larry Harris, 10-75. 97. CD 5, p. 329.
47. XXIV H 522. 98. Interview of Ronald Fischer by Larry Harris, 7-75.
48. II H 169-172. 99. Report to the President by the Commission on CIA Ac-
49. Interview of Ronald Fischer by Larry Harris, 7-75. tivities Within the U. S., p. 264.
50. XVIV H 499. 100. Dallas Morning News, 6-13-75.
51. CD 5. 101. Ibid.
52. II H 169, 172. 102. Ibid.
Published here for the first time anywhere is this
photograph of the Texas School Book Depository taken by
Army Intelligence officer James W. Powell. Suppressed by
federal authorities for 12 years, the picture was finally released
in early 1976 by FBI Director Clarence Kelley. According to
Special Agent Powell, the photo was taken from the corner of
Elm and Houston streets approximately 30 seconds after the
last shot. An unidentifiable object [a man's shoulder? A rifle
barrel?] can be seen in the sixth floor southeast corner window,
the so-called "Oswald window." If Powell is correct in his
estimation of 30 seconds, the Warren Commission's dubious
account of Oswald's movements immediately following the
shots becomes totally untenable. If Oswald lingered in the
window to satisfy himself that he had succeeded in killing the
President [several witnesses said the gunman remained
momentarily in the window as though surveying the havoc
below],then he could not have reached the second floor lunch-
room in' time to encounter Dallas policeman Marion Baker
and building superintendent Roy Truly [90 seconds after the
shooting, according to the "Report"].
TSBD employee Bonnie Ray Williams is still visible in the
fifth floor window directly below. Note the completely-raised
windows at the left corner of the sixth floor; an assassin
shooting at JFK as the motorcade moved down Elm Street
would logically have positioned himself there—at the west end,
much closer to his target. Agent-photographer Powell was later
trapped inside the Depository after it was sealed off by police.
stare at the President until his head was
blown apart. This conflicts with Greer's
testimony, since he told the Commission that
he merely glanced at Governor Connally.
—The presidential limousine came almost to
a halt just prior to the fatal head shot.
In short, the Uroden version of the film
provides absolute, incontestable proof of crossfire
and conspiracy. The evidence hidden in Jim
Garrison's poor quality copy becomes distinctly
The Umbrella Man: A Visual Coordinator For the
Among the things visible in Groden's clear
copy are suspicious movements by a spectator who
most researchers believe was a conspirator in the
The first of two volleys of gunfire went off as
the President's limousine approached the Stem-
mons Freeway road sign on the north side of Elm
Street. Standing by the sign was a man holding an
open umbrella. A Phil Willis photo snapped just as
the first volley was fired shows the man holding the
umbrella low over his head. In the Zapruder film,
as the car emerges from behind the sign, part of the
umbrella can be seen; it rises almost two feet in
the air and then is lowered.
If this motion does not seem suspect, consider
that photographs taken before the ambush reveal
that the umbrella was closed until the President's
car turned onto Elm Street. In photographs taken
The Umbrella Man stands with the open umbrella low over his
head just prior to the first shot. Umbrella was closed until
JFK's car turned onto Elm. Several feet to his right is a dark
complected man who may be Cuban or Latin.
Frames from the Zapruder film [207, top-228, bottom] show the
movement of the umbrella. In motion, it rises approximately
After the shots, the man closes the umbrella and sits down; he
is joined by the dark complected man.
Umbrella Man and dark complected man
immediately after the shooting, the umbrella is
closed again and the man casually watches as other
spectators run up the embankment and into the
area behind the wooden fence. He is last seen
sitting on the curb, umbrella lying at his feet,
conversing with a Latin or Cuban man.
From the numerous photographs taken by
spectators, it is known that this man had the only
open umbrella along the entire panicle route. It was
a warm, windy day and the light rain had stopped
hours earlier; there was no need for an open um-
Many students of the assassination believe the
riflemen were firing by radio command and that the
unidentified man with the open umbrella served as
an auxiliary signal device. It is our belief that the
man, standing 15 yards to the right of the
President, could see that definite lethal wounds had
not been inflicted, and that the rising movement of
the umbrella was a signal (to a central radio
communicator) that additional shots would be
required. (This is discussed in detail in Chapter
Before disappearing east
on Elm Street,
the Umbrella Man
glances toward police
running to the knoll.
The Moorman Photograph: The Shape Behind the
Standing on the south side of Elm Street,
opposite Abraham Zapruder, was Mrs. Mary
Moorman. With a Polaroid camera she took a
picture of President Kennedy a fraction of a second
after he was struck by the last bullet to hit him.
The entire background of her snapshot is the
grassy knoll, including the wooden stockade fence
and the white concrete wall—both probable firing
points for the assassins positioned on the knoll (see
Chapter Six, "The Execution").
In Mrs. Moorman's photograph two objects
can be seen at the top of the fence. As Professor
Josiah Thompson points out in his detailed study
Six Seconds in Dallas, comparison with pictures
taken later show that the object on the right is a
portion of a railroad signal tower beyond the fence,
in the outlying railroad yards.? However, there is
nothing beyond the fence to explain the second
shape in the Moorman photo. The object is no
longer there in pictures taken later that afternoon.
The shape appears at the precise location S.M.
Holland and others observed a puff of smoke after
the final shot and where footprints and cigarette
butts were found on the other side of the fence.8
The majority of private researchers, including the
writers of this book, believe that the last shot to
strike JFK was fired from behind the picket fence.
Mary Moorman about to take her famous Polaroid snapshot.
View from Kennedy's position on Elm St. at Z-313 to wooden fence on grassy knoll [35 yards].
An assassin's view of Elm St.; arrow points to JFK's position at Z-313.
Mary Moorman's snapshot showing the President being driven left and rearward, toward her, by impact of a bullet striking
JFK in the right temple. This picture corresponds with frames 314-315 of the Zapruder film.
This blow-up from Moorman photo shows a curious shape
behind fence that is no longer there in pictures taken later
[object on right is top of railroad signal signal tower].
Investigating the origin of shots fired at Kennedy, a Dallas
police officer stands in the same spot where the Moorman photo
shows a strange shape.
The Photographs 38
The Hughes Film: Two Men on the TSBD Sixth
In Chapter One we noted that at least two
persons, Carolyn Walther and Arnold Rowland,
observed two men on an upper floor of the Book
Depository; both witnesses said that one of the
men held a rifle. Their contention is supported by
photographic evidence, an 8-millimeter film taken
by bystander Robert Hughes. Standing near the
intersection of Main and Houston, Hughes filmed
the Presidential limousine as it made the fateful
turn onto the stretch of Elm Street where Kennedy
met his death; in the background is the TSBD
building, including the sixth floor, southeast corner
window—the so-called "Oswald window."
Hughes' film shows an antimate object in that
window—comparison of individual frames by
Josiah Thompson shows that the object gradually
changes in width as the film progresses. No doubt
it is a man with a weapon preparing to play what
we believe to have been a relatively minor role in
the pending ambush. The Commission blatantly
Proof of conspiracy: An enlarged frame from Robert Hughes'
film shows a figure in the window next to the "Oswald win-
dow"; in motion, the film shows movement of this figure and
another in the corner window.
A photograph by a Dallas photographer, taken seconds after
the last shot, reveals that the figure is no longer visible.
lied in the Report by implying that the film was
taken at 12:20 p.m., 10 minutes before the
assassination of President Kennedy."9It dutifully
disposes of the moving object by attributing it to a
shadow from cartons of books near the window.19
The Commission likewise evades the prevalent
issue by declining to mention another animate
object about twelve feet to the left, in the second
set of windows from the corner. The outline of what
appears to be a man can be seen. The figure appears
clearly in some frames and fades in others—
apparently because of the man's movement toward
and then away from the window. (The same figure
appears in a still photograph by Jack Weaver; it
appears on p. 248 of Thompson's Six Seconds in
Dallas.) In a photograph taken moments later by
Tom Dillard of the Dallas Morning News, the
figure is no longer there.
Because the entire sixth floor of the TSBD is
one large room, two men there—where Oswald
alone should be—is by legal definition a conspiracy
(unless, of course, the second man was merely a
disinterested Depository employee unaware that a
perfect stranger twelve feet away was about to
murder the President of the United States). The
Commission, aware of what this film shows, chose
to ignore it and lie about its content. Because of
Robert Hughes' little-known, little-circulated film,
the Warren Report collapses like a house made of
The Nix Film: The Assassination and the Knoll
Amateur photographer Orville Nix filmed the
assassination from south of Elm Street, opposite
Zapruder. His film, purchased by United Press
International,* graphically shows the violent back-
ward snap—toward Nix—of Kennedy's head.
His film also shows the grassy knoll during the
shooting. In view of the prevalent belief of Dealey
Plaza eyewitnesses that shots were fired from the
knoll, the Commission should have ordered
photographic enhancement and analysis of the Nix
film. Among other things, it shows an unidentified
man on the steps leading up to the concrete pergola
turning after the last show and running up those
steps, apparently into the parking area behind the
The most prominent feature of Nix's poor
quality film is an object appearing in several
frames, which some researchers believe to be a man
standing in the classic military firing position,
* UPI, while allowing copies of Nix's film to be circulated, has
the original locked away, as Life did with the original Zapruder
Frames from Orville Nix film taken during assassination
aiming a weapon at the President's car. The shape
appears just to the left of the pergola doorway, near
a low pedestal. Behind the object a white
automobile can be seen. Peculiar about this vehicle
is the fact that it is partially parked on the grass,
straddling a row of log barriers. Other films show
the car leaving the area about one minute after the
Sophisticated tests by Itek Corporation have
concluded that the object believed by some to be a
gunman is nothing more than shadows and light on
the pergola12(Itek, it should be noted, handles
many government contracts and has close ties to
the Central Intelligence Agency). Its findings are
supported by a study conducted by the California
Institute of Technology, with this reservation:
". . However, in the light of the poor image
quality and the availability of suitable hiding
placqs, a grassy knoll assassin cannot positively be
ruled out."13What is missed by most who view the
film, though, is that after following the limousine
with his camera, Nix pans back to the right, toward
the knoll, and the object is no longer there.
"Shadows" do not change completely in three or
(Nix was not called to testify during Warren
Commission hearings. He died in 1972).
Other Important Films: Assassination and Af-
Other films which merited Warren Com-
mission scrutiny but were ignored include:
—a film very similar to Nix's, taken by Mrs.
Marie Muchmore. It shows the violent
reaction of JFK's head after the last shot.
—another film by an amateur photographer,
John Martin of Dallas. According to
photographic researcher Richard Sprague,
one of the few to see Martin's original film, it
shows men fleeing the area of the knoll after
the last shot.
—F. M. Bell's home movie film which shows
spectators running en masse toward the knoll
and into the parking area, seconds after the
Obviously the Nix, Muchmore and Martin
films were of extreme importance and relevance.
The Commission's failure to view all of them and to
order studies of their content is inexcusable.
The Altgens Photograph: Assassin or Witness?
Of all the still photographs taken in Dealey
Plaza during the assassination, the most famous is
that by Associated Press photographer James
Altgens. His prominent picture shows a frontal
view of Kennedy reacting to wounds in his back
The photo gained worldwide notoriety,
however, because in the background, standing on
the steps of the Texas School Book Depository,
was a man who very strongly resembled accused
assassin Lee Oswald. This observation received
widespread coverage in the mass media, and caused
the CoMmission great consternation.
It was decided that the man in the doorway
was an Oswald look-alike named Billy Nolan
Lovelady, an employee of the Book Depository.15
No member of the Commission itself ever saw
Lovelady in person, and no picture of him appears
in the 26 volumes of testimony and exhibits. In-
deed, Lovelady testified to Commission lawyers in
Dallas that he was standing on the steps at thei
time of the assassination, and was in fact the man
seen in Altgens' photograph.16(Depository
foreman William Shelley said Lovelady was seated
on the entrance steps of the building17). Of all the
book company employees who were asked to ac-
count for those around them during the shooting,
only Lovelady mentions himself as being on the
steps, and only Shelley states that Lovelady was
on the steps).
Seemingly, the mystery of the man in the
doorway should have ceased to be a mystery after
James Altgens' photograph shows three of JFK's Secret doorway is a man bearing a strong resemblance to Oswald and
Service looking back toward the TSBD. Standing in the wearing similar clothing.
Oswald in custody. Note similarity of shirt and
T-shirt worn by the accused assassin, and those
Billy Nolan Lovelady and his
worn by man in doorway. The man in the doorway. red and white striped shirt.
Photographs taken from different angle show the man in the doorway.
Lovelady's statement that he, not Oswald, was the
figure in question. Not so, for a March 9, 1964
report from FBI Director J. Edgar Hoover adds to
the mystery with this paragraph:
"On February 29, 1964, Billy Nolan Lovelady
was photographed by Special Agents of the
FBI at Dallas, Texas. On this occasion, 1
Lovelady advised that on the day of the
assassination of President John F. Kennedy, ,„„
November 22, 1963, at the time of the ri-
assassination, and shortly before, he was
standing in the doorway of the front entrance
to the TSBD where he is employed. He
stated he was wearing a red and white
vertical striped shirt and blue jeans."*18
Lovelady likewise told independent researcher
Jones Harris (who specializes in photographic
aspects of the President's murder) that on
November 22 he was wearing a red and white
striped sport shirt buttoned near the neck.19When
the FBI told Lovelady it wanted to photograph him
in the shirt he was wearing, he showed up in a red
and white striped sport shirt.28
It is very obvious that the man in the Altgens
photograph is not wearing a shirt matching that
worn by Lovelady in the FBI pictures. The man in
the doorway is wearing a dark, long-sleeved shirt,
partly open in the front with a T-shirt underneath.
What was Oswald wearing at the time of his arrest?
Photographs show him in a dark, long-sleeved
shirt, partly open in the front with a T-shirt un-
Furthermore, the 'man in the doorway can be
seen in the color film taken by Robert Hughes (the
same film that shows two men on the sixth floor
moments before the assassination). The man's
shirt, which in black and white photos appears to
be grey, is brownish orange in color. This is the
same color as the shirt Oswald was wearing in a
color photograph of him being led from the Texas
Theatre where he was apprehended.
Just where was Oswald when
those rifles in Dealey Plaza took the life of
John F. Kennedy? The accused assassin told the
police that he was eating lunch on the first floor of
the building.21Contrary to what he later told
David Belin, Charles Givens last saw Oswald on
the first floor thirty minutes before the
assassination.22Eddie Piper last saw Oswald at
noon on the first floor.23An FBI report of an
interview with TSBD secretary Mrs. R. E. Arnold
states that "she thought she caught a fleeting
glimpse of Lee Harvey Oswald standing in the
hallway between the front door and the double
doors leading to the warehouse, located on the first
floor. She could not be sure that this was Oswald,
but said she felt it was and believed the time to be a
few minutes before 12:15 p.m."*24TSBD vice-
President 0. V. Campbell told the Dallas Times-
Herald that immediately after the shots he "racedl
into the building and noticed Oswald in a storage
room on the first floor.25About 90 seconds after
the last shot, building superintendent Roy Truly
and policeman M. L. Baker encountered Oswald in
the second floor lunchroom:28he was calmly
drinking a Coke.27Baker said that Oswald did not
seem to be out of breath; he seemed calm.28Of
Oswald, Truly said, "He didn't seem to be excited
or overly afraid or anything. He might have been a
bit startled, like I might have been if somebody
* Emphasis added. * Emphasis added.
ched. JFK's fatal head shot occurs at frame 313. As
published in the volumes, the President's head
appears to move forward and to the right. This was
done by transposing frames 314 and 315, and
mislabeling them. The purpose, of course, is to
negate the violent backward movement of Ken-
Of some 158 Zapruder frames reproduced in
that volume, this is the only place such a trans-
position occurs; all others are in correct sequence.
It represents another example of the lengths taken
by authorities to deceive the American public. In a
letter to a Warren Commission critic, J. Edgar
Hoover admitted, "You are correct in the ob-
servation that frames labeled 314 and 315 of
Commission Exhibit 885 (Zapruder film) are
transposed in Volume 18 as noted in your letter."
The FBI Director, however, attributed the
discrepency to "a printing error. "30
This lame excuse came from a key figure in the
cover-up of facts surrounding the assassination
r (see Chapter Seven). He knowingly gave false
information in his testimony to the Commission.
kit14-1 For example, Hoover told the panel, "Now, some
people have raised the question: Why didn't he
(Oswald) shoot the President as the car came
toward the storehouse where he was working? The
reason for that is, I think, the fact there are some
trees between his window on the sixth floor and the
cars as they turned and went through the park."31
That statement is a demonstrable lie, as the
photograph below plainly shows.
The Walker Photograph and a Mystery Vehicle
In April, 1963, an unknown assailant fired a
bullet at Major General (U.S. Army, Resigned)
Edwin A. Walker as he sat near a window in his
Dallas home.32Walker is a prominent and con-
troversial figure known for his outspoken right-
wing views. The sniper barely missed Walker's
head and the shooting remained an unsolved
mystery until December, 1963, when authorities
announced that none other than Lee Harvey
Oswald had been responsible for the potshot. The
incident, they said, demonstrated a tendency for
violence on the part of the accused Presidential
assassin.33The contention that Oswald fired the
shot was based on the testimony of Marina
According to J. Edgar Hoover, the assassin did not shoot the President as the motocade approached the TSBD on Houston
Street because, "there are some trees between his window on the sixth floor and the cars as they turned and went through the
park." The reader will look in vain for as much as one twig of Hoover's "trees."
on it now. When Lee showed me this
photograph there was the number on the
license plate on this picture. I would have
remembered it if there were a black spot on
the back of the car where the license plate
(Some testimony omitted)
Mrs. Oswald. There was a license plate on
Mr. Liebeler. Do you remember that very
Mrs. Oswald. When Lee showed it to me, I
remember very distinctly that there was a
license plate on this car. When this business
about General Walker came up I would have
remembered this black spot.
Mr. Liebeler. Or the hole?
Mrs. Oswald. Or the hole in the original—I
would have remembered it.
Mr. Liebeler. And you remember, then,
that the license plate was actually on that car
when you saw the picture?
Mrs. Oswald. This black spot is so striking
I would have remembered it if it were on the
photograph that Lee showed me or the FBI.
Mr. Liebeler. Let's address ourselves also,
not just to the black spot but to the
possibility that they may have shown you
the actual original photograph on which
there is no black spot, but which has a hole
right through the photograph.
Mrs. Oswald. There was no hole in the
original when they showed it to me—I'm
positive of it.
Mr. McKenzie. All right, let me ask her a
Mrs. Oswald. This is the first time I saw a
black spot or have heard about a hole in the
(Some testimony omitted)
Mr. McKenzie. At the that time did the car
that appears in the picture, did it have a hole
in the picture?
Mrs. Oswald. No.
Mr. McKenzie. When the FBI or the
Secret Service showed you this picture, had
it been folded?
Mrs. Oswald. No.
Mr. McKenzie. Who showed you the
picture—the FBI or the Secret Service or the
Mrs. Oswald. The FBI first and then the
Mr. McKenzie. Now, at the time the
Commission showed you the picture in
Washington, was there a hole shown in the
picture where the car's license plate would
Mrs. Oswald. No; I don't know what
happened to this picture, because when the
Commission showed me the picture there was
not this spot here.
Mrs. Oswald. If there was a hole, I would
have asked them right away why that hole is
there or the black spot.
Mr. McKenzie. Off the record, please.35
On the other hand, Dallas Police Detectives
Richard B. Stovall and Guy F. Rose related a
different tale. They were two of the four officers
who searched Ruth Paine's residence, where some
of Oswald's belongings were stored.
According to an FBI report, Stovall "stated at
the time he observed this photograph, he surmised
that Oswald had evidently taken the license plate
number area out of the photograph to keep anyone
from identifying the owner of that automobile. He
advised he is positive the photograph was
mutilated as shown in Commission Exhibit 5 at the
time they recovered it at the Paine residence. "*36
Detective Rose concurred with his partner,
telling the Bureau that he "recalls observing this
photograph at the time they had seized Oswald's
material from the Paine residence. He advised at
the time, he had noted that someone had torn out a
section on the automobile, which area contains the
license plate for the 1957 Chevrolet. He stated he
definitely recalls that this photograph, marked as
Commission Exhibit 5, was one of the photos
recovered from the Paine residence and that it had
been mutilated at the time they had recovered the
box containing the photographs. "*37
Someone is lying. Who told the truth, Marina
or Detectives Stovall and Rose? Marina lied
repeatedly to the Commission, but it appears that
in this instance she was being truthful. The ap-
parent falsehood by two members of the Dallas
Police is revealed in an official police photograph
reproduced on page 113 of Retired Police Chief
Jesse Curry's JFK Assassination File. The caption
underneath the photograph is, "Oswald's
possessions included personal records and
photographs which were carefully examined by
investigators."38Just how careful they were
examined is questionable, for in the lower left of the
picture is the photograph showing Walker's house
— and the portion containing the automobile's
license plate is still intact!
* Emphasis added.
AS JACK RUBY
GOES TO TRIAL
Cast of Chatactem
HO, tits taw Appfkos
Retouched and altered photo of Oswald on cover of February
21, 1964 Life magazine.
Indeed, on the surface these photos were quite
incriminating, showing the smirking little Marxist
with the cop-killing pistol on his hip, the President-
shooting rifle in one hand and .communist literature
in the other. The Commission relied heavily on
these two snapshots and was not about to question
their authenticity. It should have, because the
photos are demonstrably fake. Oswald, it seems,
was an unwilling patient in the world's first head
Independent researchers, most notably Fred
Newcomb of Los Angeles, have proven con-
clusively that a photo of Oswald's head was
superimposed on two photos of the body of another
person posing with the weapons. First, the body in
one photo is smaller than in the other because the
picture was taken from farther away; yet the size of
the two heads are virtually identical! Secondly, the
real Oswald had a narrow, pointed chin with a cleft,
whereas the chin in the two photographs is
decidedly broad and squarish, and has no cleft. It is
apparent that the Oswald head photos were joined
to the other body just above the chin. Third, the V-
shaped shadow under the nose is identical in both
snapshots, even though Oswald's head is tilted in
FBI "recreation" of Oswald photograph.
one and erect in the other. Too, the nose shadow
falls at a vertical angle, while the body shadow falls
behind Oswald and to his right.
The FBI tried to duplicate one of the pictures
by photographing an agent standing on the roof of
the Justice Department, posing with the rifle in the
same stance and with sunlight in the same
direction. The body shadow is quite similar to that
in the fake photos, therefore, we should be able to
determine something about the nose shadow. But
the agent's entire head has been completely
removed from the picture! It doesn't take a
Sherlock Holmes-type to figure out this one.
The Commission at least asked FBI photo
expert Lyndal Shaneyfelt about this headless
phenomenon and he replied, "I blanked out the
head because it was one of the employees of the
FBI, and I felt it was desirable to blank out the
head since it was not pertinent."44Who did
Shaneyfelt hope to fool with that ridiculous non-
The Dallas Police crime lab did manage to
recreate one of the fake photos by posing a man,
with head, on the actual spot the pictures had been
taken. Unfortunately this was done (one must
Oswald in custody on November 22. His chin is narrow and
pointed with a cleft.
The incriminating—but fake—photos of Oswald. Compare
shadow on ground [behind and to the right] to shadow under
Blow-up from fake photo shows that this man's chin is broad,
squarish and has no cleft. Look closely and you can see a line
running from the right side of the neck, across the chin to the
left side of the neck- showing where Oswald's head was grafted
onto photograph of another body.
. . I was told that this negative had somehow
Canadian journalist Norman Similas was in
Dallas attending a national convention of car-
bonated beverage bottlers; it was a trip he wouldn't
soon forget. On the afternoon of November 21, he
spoke with and photographed Vice-President
Lyndon B. Johnson, who had addressed the
convention. That night he visited the Carousel
Club and spent more than an hour chatting with its
hospitable owner, Jack Ruby. The following day
Similas wandered down to Dealey Plaza to see and
photograph the President of the United States.52
Similas said he was standing on the south side
of Elm St. and was less than ten feet from JFK's
car at the time of the first shot. Writing in the now-
defunct Canadian magazine Liberty, he recalled his
actions during the assassination: "My camera had
methodically returned to my cheek and I flipped
the shutter. In retrospect, my actions were com-
pletely instinctive. Something inside me kept
saying, 'Keep shooting those pictures. Whoever is
shooting that gun is a sharpshooter. When he sees
the flashes, he will know you are a photographer
and he won't shoot you.'
"The Presidential limousine had passed me
and slowed down slightly. My camera was directly
angled toward the Texas School Book Depository
in the background. The picture that I took on the
curb of Elm Street was trained momentarily on an
open, sixth-story window. The camera lens
recorded what I could not possibly have seen at
that moment—a rifle barrel extended over the
windowsill. When the film was developed later, it
showed two figures hovering over it."53(This, of
course, is consistent with the Hughes film and the
testimony of Carolyn Walther and Arnold
In a signed statement for the Royal Canadian
Mounted Police, Similas further described the
"I arrived in Toronto at about 10 p.m., on
November 23. Almost immediately on my
arrival at home, I was contacted by a
reporter from the Toronto Telegram who
advised they received word from the
Associated Press in Chicago that I had
negatives that they might be interested in.
He arrived at my home in five or ten minutes.
I went over the " story giving him an
eyewitness account of what I had seen and
heard during and following the
assassination. He then examined the
negatives, and while examing them he ex-
claimed, 'There looks like two people at this
window.' I then went over and looked at the
negative and I agreed that there were two
objects in the window on the 6th floor
southeast corner of the building. This
window differed from the others in that it had
an alcove above the window as opposed to
the others on the 5th and other floors, which
had a square frame. The two objects ap-
peared to be people and the Telegram
reporter thought he saw what appeared to be
a rifle barrel between them. I did not make
any comment on this upon looking at it as it
blended into the shadow of the object on the
But as fate would have it, the picture, like
several others taken that day, was never to see the
light of day.
"Upon my return to Toronto I submitted my
developed negatives to a daily newspaper
(The Toronto Telegram). When they were not
used on Monday, November 25, I phoned
and asked that they be returned. Later I
received a fat cheque in the mail, but the one
negative which clearly showed what I believe
to be two figures in the window of the
assassin's nest was missing. When I pressed
for it I was told that this negative had
somehow become lost. It has never been
returned to me."55
1The Babushka Lady: Her Film . . .
A piece of film probably of greater value than
Abraham Zapruder's was taken by a woman known
as "the Babushka Lady," so-called because in
photographs and films of the assassination she can
be seen wearing a babushka (a triangular head
scarf). For years researchers wondered who this
woman was; in 1970 the author learned her identity
and interviewed her several times.
Standing on the south side of Elm Street
(opposite Zapruder) and using a Super 8 Yashica
movie camera with zoom lens, this woman filmed
the entire assassination. Using a better camera,
and much closer to the President, her view was not
obstructed at a crucial moment by a road sign and
her film would certainly have revealed the presence
of gunmen on the knoll. Too, the unidentified
Umbrella Man could be clearly seen, as could the
face of the Depository building.
Unfortunately, the Babushka Lady nor
anyone outside the government has ever seen her
film; like Mary Moorman's photograph, it
disappeared at the hands of federal authorities. It
was confiscated from her by two men who identified
themselves as agents of the F.B.I. (she has since
gcuoi- *NlOW L- (
The Zapruder film [top left] shows the Babushka Lady filming
the assassination. She is likewise seen in Marie Muchmore's
film [top right]. Below, the Babushka Lady with her camera is
seen after the shooting in a crowd on the north side of Elm
The Babushka Lady on the north side of Elm Street.
A blow-up of the Babuska Lady. The Babushka Lady in 1962. FBI agent Regis Kennedy
identified one of them as Regis Kennedy of the
FBI) The agents approached her at her place of
employment, the Colony Club, and asked for the
film. She was told that they would process the film,
view it and return it to her within ten days.56The
film was not returned to her and she received no
explanation. The government could not jeapordize
its case against Oswald by letting Life or UPI
obtain this valuable film. For obvious reasons it
was confiscated by federal agents on November 23,
before it could be processed and before its content
could be revealed to the American public.
. . . and Her Story
This woman, then age 19, later married an
important crime syndicate figure in the north
Texas area, a man who could and did kill with
impunity and was himself killed in a gangland-type
slaying in west Texas in 1970.57
The Babushka Lady told the author that in
1968, during the presidential campaign, she and
her husband held a two-hour conversation with
Richard M. Nixon in a Miami hote1.58At the time
she related this story it seemed very strange that
Candidate Nixon would spend two hours with
someone other than a wealthy businessman who
might give generously to the Nixon campaign
coffer. It seemed even more odd that the former
Vice President would meet with a known gangster.
But in retrospect, after all that has been revealed
about Nixon the Man during Watergate, that he
would meet with a killer mobster 'seems in
character. Nixon's ties to organized crime, directly
and indirectly, are too extensive to cover here. The
reader is referred to investigative reporter Jeff
Gerth's articles published in Penthouse (July 1974)
and Sundance (November 1972) magazines.
At this point we wish to digress from the
Babushka Lady and her film, and elaborate on
certain of Mr. Nixon's activities prior to the
assassination of President Kennedy.
Richard Nixon and Jack Ruby: Birds of a Feather
In 1975 Trowbridge Ford, a professor of
political science at Holy Cross University,
discovered an FBI document which discloses that
in 1947 Nixon intervened on behalf of a Chicago
gangster who was about to be called as a witness
before a congressional committee.
The memo, written by an FBI staff assistant,
states, "It is my sworn statement that one Jack
Rubenstein of Chicago, noted as a potential witness
for hearings of the House Committee on Un-
American Activities, is performing information
functions for the staff of Congressman Richard
Nixon, Republican of California. It is requested
Rubenstein not be called for open testimony in the
That same year, Rubenstein moved to Dallas,
Texas, and changed his name to Jack Ruby . . .6°
Nixon and the Assassination of President Remon.
Nixon is no stranger to assassination plots. As
Vice-President he served as "Action Officer"
(chairman) of a group known as Special Group
5412, working out of the White House to coordinate
actions of the CIA and the Defense Intelligence
Agency (DIA).61Under the protection of the
National Security Council, this group plotted
several assassination attempts on Fidel Castro and
outlined what eventually became the Bay of Pigs
invasion. Members of Special Group 5412 included
Alexander Haig, the general who served as Nixon's
White House Chief of Staff during the latter days
of the Nixon presidency, and two CIA operatives:
E. Howard Hunt and Frank Sturgis—both con-
victed in the break-in of Democratic Headquarters
in the Watergate office complex.62
Marion Cooper, a former CIA operative, has
disclosed that on January 1, 1955, he attended a
meeting in Honduras at which the planned
assassination of President Jose Antonio Remon of
Panama was discussed in detail. Among those
present at the meeting were the team of men hired
to kill the Panamanian leader, and the Vice
President of the United States, Richard Nixon.63
The following day Remon was machine-gunned to
death at a racetrack outside Panama City.*
Cooper's statements have been validated by a
polygraph examiner of the highest rating.
Newsman Joe Pennington of Chicago says he has
been able to verify most of the details of the
* Commission Document 279—"Assassination of Jose Remon,
Panama"—remains classified in the National Archives.
story.64Cooper's information was turned over to
the Church Committe investigating the CIA, but
there was apparently no interest on the part of
Senator Frank Church, chairman of the com-
Nixon and the Bay of Pigs.
By now it is common knowledge that Vice-
President Nixon, an old and avid anti-communism
crusader, was one of the foremost supporters of an
invasion of Cuba to overthrow Castro. He so ad-
mitted in his book, Six Crises: "The covert training
of Cuban exiles by the CIA was due in substantial
part, at least, to my efforts, This had been adopted
as a policy as a result of my direct support."65
Along with CIA Director Allen Dulles (a member of
the Warren Commission) and Richard Bissell, Jr.,
Nixon was instrumental in the planning and
supervision of the operation.
Also by his own admission, Nixon lied to the
American public in order to protect the plans for
Prior to the famous Kennedy-Nixon Debates
of 1960, it was necessary that candidate Kennedy
be briefed, in the interest of national security, by
Dulles on covert CIA activities and international
problems; he was not informed of the planned
invasion. Nixon was misinformed, being told that
Kennedy did know of the project. So when JFK
made a major speech on Cuba, suggesting that
there might be an opportunity for the U.S. to bring
influence on behalf of the cause of freedom in Cuba
and encouraging the anti-Castro Cubans who were
leading the resistance to the bearded dictator,
Nixon was furious.%
"There was only one thing I could do," he
wrote in Six Crises. "The covert operation had to
be protected at all costs. I must not even suggest
by implicaiton that the U.S. was rendering aid to
rebel forces in and out of Cuba. In fact, I must go
to the other extreme: I must attack the Kennedy
proposal to provide such aid as wrong and
irresponsible because it would violate our treaty
So during the televised debates in October,
1960, Nixon charged that Kennedy's proposal was
dangerously irresponsible and that it would violate
five treaties between the United States and Latin
America as well as the United Nations charter.
* As chairman of that committee, Senator Church, along with
Texas senator John Tower, helped orchestrate a rather obvious
cover-up and whitewash regarding the CIA and assassinations.
This is not surprising, since a biographical sketch of Church
appears in a 1967 book, Who's Who in the CIA.
The day following the fourth debate, during a
speech at Muhlenberg College, he said, "Kennedy
called for—and get this—the U.S. Government to
support a revolution in Cuba, and I say that this is
the most shockingly reckless proposal ever made in
our history by a presidential candidate during a
campaign."68Richard Nixon was actually
criticizing and attacking his opponent for publicly
advocating a plan that he, Nixon, secretly ad-
vocated and, in fact, indicated was his own idea.
It is interesting that a number of participants
in the training, planning and discharge of the Bay
of Pigs invasion later turned up as key figures in
the Watergate break-in. These include E. Howard
Hunt, Bernard Barker, Frank Sturgis, James
McCord, Virgilio Gonzales and Eugenio Martinez.
Nixon in Dallas: November 20-22, 1963.
It has been pointed out as coincidence that
Richard Nixon was in Dallas the same day as the
man who had so narrowly defeated him for the
Presidency in 1960.
The former-Vice-President advised the Warren
Commission that the only time he was in Dallas in
1963 was on November 20-21.69Actually, that is a
discrepancy on Nixon's part.because he did not
leave Dallas Love Field until 10:05 a.m., November
22, shortly before the Presidential Party was to
arrive in Air Force One.70
The Photographs 56
A more damaging discrepancy, however,
arises out of his excuse for being in Dallas—
ostensibly to attend a board meeting of the Pepsi
Cola Bottling Company, which Nixon's law firm
represented.71Researcher Richard Sprague has
examined that company's corporate records and
has found that no such board meeting was held in
Dallas in November, 1963. . . .72
Nixon's reason for being in Dallas suddenly
becomes very suspect. It becomes even more so in
light of his attendance at a gathering on the
evening of November 21; this is discussed in
Oswald and Ruby.
Returning to the Babushka Lady for a
moment, she told the author that she was an
acquaintence of Jack Ruby and frequented his
nightclub, which was next door to the Colony Club
where she worked. It was at Ruby's club that she
was introduced by Ruby to "Lee Oswald of the
CIA." She said Oswald frequently visited the
Carousel, as did David Ferrie, who was there so
often that she took him to be assistant manager of
the club. Ferrie was a key figure in the in-
vestigation conducted by Jim Garrison (see chapter
More than one person corroborated the
Babushka Lady's report that Oswald had been in
Two weeks after the assassination, Dallas
attorney Carroll Jarnagin felt it his duty as a
citizen to provide the FBI with important in-
formation. In a letter to J. Edgar Hoover, Jarnagin
wrote: "On Oct. 4, 1963, I was in the Carousel Club
in Dallas, Texas, and while there I heard Jack
Ruby talking to a man using the name of H.L.
Lee.* These men were talking about plans to kill
the Governor of Texas. This information was
passed on to the Texas Department of Public
Safety on Oct. 5, 1963 by telephone. On Sunday,
Nov. 24, 1963 I definitely realized that the picture
in the Nov. 23, 1963 Dallas Times Herald of Lee
Harvey Oswald was a picture of the man using the
name of H.L. Lee, whose conversation with Jack
Ruby I had overheard back on Oct. 4, 1963.'14
Jarnagin went on to describe in detail how
Ruby reassured Oswald that he (Oswald) could
shoot Connally from a window of the Carousel and
easily escape out the back door. Oswald wanted
half his payment for the chore in advance but Ruby
* As is customary for a man involved in the capacity of an
informant for an intelligence or law enforcement agency,
Oswald often used an alias. At his rooming house in Irving he
used the name 0. H. Lee. 73
told him he would receive it in one lump sum "after
the job is done." Later in the conversation Ruby
explained, "He (Connally) won't work with us on
paroles. With a few of the right boys out we could
really open up this state, with a little cooperation
from the governor."75
Jarnagin is a well-respected lawyer in the
Dallas area; he is no crackpot. He had valuable
information linking these two "lone nuts", yet he
was not called to testify before the Commission.
One who did testify was William D. Crowe,
Jr., who was questioned about a statement he
made to newsmen concerning Oswald and Ruby.
Using the stage name "Billy DeMar", Crowe was a
stand-up comic and master of ceremonies at the
Carousel Club.76On November 25, the day after
Ruby carried out his order to execute patsy
Oswald, Crowe remarked to reporters that he may
have seen Oswald in the club shortly before the
He testified,". . . the face seemed familiar as
some faces do, and I had associated him (Oswald)
with a patron that I had seen in the club a week
before. They (newsmen) asked me in what—how I
had seen him in the club, and I said I thought I had
used him as one of the people that was—that I
would use him in my memory bit." (Crowe used a
routine involving mind association). He added,
"Bill Willis, the drummer in the band at the club,
said he seemed to remember Lee Harvey Oswald
sitting on the front row on Thursday night right in
the corner of the stage and the runway."77
Kathy Kay with Ruby and Alice Alexander.
One of Ruby's strippers, Kathy Kay, told her
co-workers at the Carousel that she had seen—and
had, in fact, danced with—Oswald at the club a few
days prior to the assassination.78
On November 20, two days before Kennedy's
death, one of Ruby's employees, Rose Cherami,
was in an automobile with two men enroute to
Florida to get a load of narcotics for Ruby. A
disagreement among the three apparently
developed, and the woman was thrown from the
moving vehicle near Eunice, Louisiana. She was
hospitalized for injuries and dope withdrawal
At the hospital she screamed that President
Kennedy and other officials were going to be killed
when they reached Dallas, Texas. She was ignored
until November 22. Several days later, after the
nightclub owner fatally shot the accused assassin,
Miss Cherami was shown a newspaper article in
which Ruby denied knowing Oswald. She laughed
and said, "They were bed-mates!"79
(On September 4, 1965, while walking down a
highway near Big Sandy, Texas at 2:00 a.m., Miss
Cherami was struck and killed by a hit and run
The photographic evidence, like the testimony
of witnesses, had to be ignored, altered and sup-
pressed. To do otherwise would have completely
destroyed the one-gun, no-conspiracy theory
placed before the American public by the govern-
The most damaging piece of evidence against
the lone assassin hypothesis, the Zapruder film,
was disregarded—for it clearly disproved
everything about the single-bullet theory and the
one assassin scenario. Photographs showing the
grassy knoll during the assassination and im-
mediately afterward were brushed aside. Because it
showed two men on the sixth floor of the Book
Depository, the Robert Hughes film provided
absolute proof of conspiracy, and demolished the
Report; the Commission looked the other way and
lied about the content of this remarkable film.
To deceive those who bothered to look, key
frames of the Zapruder film, published in the 26
volumes, were transposed to conceal evidence of a
shot from ahead of the motorcade. Authorities
mutilated the license of a mystery vehicle in the
Walker photograph. The FBI and the Commission
studied two photographs of "Oswald" holding the
alleged murder weapon(s); the pair of snapshots
were demonstrably faked in order to frame the
accused assassin. The FBI confiscated and sup-
pressed an invaluable piece of film taken by a
Dallas woman—a film which showed the entire
assassination, the TSBD building and the grassy
Federal and local officials committed crimes in
order to heap blame for JFK's murder on an in-
nocent man. The crimes and deception did not end
with the photographs. With the material evidence
in the case, the dishonesty of the authorities
became even more obvious. . . .
The Dallas Police "Oswald evidence"
Oswald 'a weapon
could be felt with the finger. * 4
. . and inspection revealing there was no
point of exit." 5
The O'Neill-Sibert report is corroborated by
the testimony of Secret Service personnel present
at the autopsy. Roy Kellerman, who was also a
passenger in the Kennedy death car, testified:
"A Col. Finck, during the examination of the
President, from the hole that was in his
shoulder, and with a probe, and we were
standing right alongside of him, he is
probing inside the shoulder with his in-
strument and I said, 'Col., where did it (the
bullet) go?' He said, 'There are no lanes for
an outlet of this entry in this man's
Agent William Greer was asked by Com-
mission counsel Arlen Specter, "Was anything said
about any channel being present in the body for the
bullet to have gone through the back?" Replied
Greer, "No, sir. I hadn't heard anything like that,
any trace of it going on through."* 7
The New York Times, quoting a source
familiar with the autopsy, printed on December 18,
1963: "The first bullet made what was described as
a small, neat wound in the back and penetrated two
or three inches:Tive weeks later the Times said the
bullet, "hit the President in the back of his right
shoulder, several inches below the collar line. That
bullet lodged in his shoulder." The December 18,
1963 edition of the Washington Post disclosed that
a bullet "was found deep in his shoulder."
Obviously, if the bullet never exited Ken-
nedy's body, the missile never traveled on to strike
Connally. The single-bullet theory crumbles, for
the President and the Governor had to have been
struck by separate bullets. And, as Commission
counsel Norman Redlich admitted, "To say that
they were hit by separate bullets is synonymous
with saying there were at least two assassins."
A conspiracy is proven.
With the cooperation of the military-controlled
autopsy physicians, the Commission was able to
create a bullet path where no such path existed. It
performed further verbal plastic surgery — again
with help from the Bethesda doctors—by moving
the location of the wound six inches up Kennedy's
The Warren Report places the wound at "the
base of the back of his neck." Is that really where it
The FBI Summary Report states: "Medical
examination of the President's body revealed that
one of the bullets had entered just below his
shoulder to the right of the spinal columrt . . ."* 8
The Bureau's Supplemental Report refers to "the
bullet which entered his back . . . ."*9
The report of agents O'Neill and Sibert says,
tI . Dr. Humes located an opening which ap-
peared to be a bullet hole which was below the
shoulders and two inches to the right of the middle
line of the spinal column."*
The statements of Secret Service personnel are
consistent with those of the FBI agents:
Roy Kellerman told the Commission,
"Nobody was aware until they lifted him up
that there was a hole in his shoulder. "*10
William Greer was asked by Arlen
Specter, "Approximately where in the
President's back was the bullet hole?" Greer
replied, "It was . . . back here, just in the
soft part of that shoulder."*11
Glen Bennett, riding in the follow-up car
dire,,tly behind the Presidential Lincoln,
states: "I looked at the back of the
President. I hen-d another firecracker noise
and saw that shot hit the President about
four inches down from the right
Clint Hill was asked by commissioner Hale
Boggs, "Did you see any other wound other
than the head wound?" Hill said, "Yes, sir. I
saw an opening in the back, about six inches
below the neckline, * to the right hand side of
the spinal column ."13
All these reports are verified by photographs
of the coat and shirt worn by Kennedy when he was
shot. Published in the FBI Supplemental Report,
the photos clearly show the bullet hole. The hole in
the jacket is 5-3/8" below the top of the collar; the
hole in the shirt is 5-3/4" below the top of the
collar. It is interesting to , note that the
photographs of the coat used by the Commission
were taken under a great deal less light, so that the
bullet hole is not nearly as visible.
Furthermore, there is the autopsy report face
sheet. Not a part of the report itself, the face sheet
shows a diagram of the President's body; a black
dot representing the back wound is placed several
inches below the collar, in precisely the location
attested to by Secret Service personnel. The
location of the wound was described by Dr. J.
Thornton Boswell as a "diagram error,"14 and
Commander James Humes testified that the back
wound was higher than the throat wound—even
though he had marked the entrance wound well
* Emphasis added. * Emphasis added.
The Material Evidence 64
Kennedy's clothing. Shirt and coat show bullet holes nearly
"six inches below" where the Commission said the bullet en-
tered. Slits in tie and collar were made by a doctor's scalpel and
not by an exiting bullet, as the Commission maintained.
opening when it passes out the other side. Dr.
McClelland conceded that it was possible that the
throat wound marked the exit of a bullet fired into
the back of the President's neck . . . 'but we are
familiar with wounds,' he said. 'We see them every
day—sometimes several a day. This did appear to
be an entrance wound."'3021
It is interesting to note that for some four
weeks after the assassination, the Parkland doctors
continued to state publicly that they thought the
throat wound was one of entry. Then, after the
official version of the shooting (one gunman firing
from the rear) had been decided, two Secret Service
agents visited those physicians who had attended
Kennedy .22One by one, each doctor began to
announce that upon reflection, he had decided the
wound was in fact one of exit. One might guess that
like Richard Randolph Carr, the Parkland doctors
were told what they had observed.
Appearing before the Commission, behind
closed doors and under oath, the doctors still
suggested that the throat wound at least seemed to
be an entrance wound.
Dr. Malcom Perry: "The wound was
roughly spherical to oval shape, not a
punched-out wound, actually, nor was it
particularly ragged. It was rather clean cut,
but the blood obscured any detail about the
edges of the wound."24
Dr. Robert McClelland: ". . . if I saw the
wound in its state in which Dr. Perry
described it to me, I would probably initially
think this were an entrance wound."24
Dr. Ronald Jones: "The hole was very
small and relatively clean cut, as you would
see in a bullet that is entering rather than
exiting from a patient."25
Dr. Charles Baxter: "Judging from the
caliber of the rifle that we later found or
became acquainted with, this would resemble
a wound of entry. "26
No doubt the Commission itself was puzzled
over the throat wound, and the doubt of at least
one of its members is evident in a transcript of an
executive session held on December 16, 1963. John
McCloy offers this suggestion: "I think we ought
to take a look at the grounds* and somebody ought
to do it and get the picture of this angle to see if it is
humanly possible for him to have been hit in the
front from a shot fired from that window. Maybe it
* Emphasis added.
* The Commissioners finally visited Dealey Plaza nine months
after receiving their mandate.
The Material Evidence 66
It is not humanly possible and each member of
the Commission knew it, just as they knew Ken-
nedy had been shot by more than one assassin. By
December 16 at least, the Commissioners must
have known they were going to sign their names to
a totally false report.
The most alarming thing about the throat
wound, however, is the possibility that it was
deliberately altered so it could not be recognized by
the autopsy physicians as being an entrance
On November 23 Commander James Humes of
the Bethesda staff telephoned Dr. Perry to inquire
about the President's throat wound, which Humes
had taken to be the result of a tracheotomy tube
placed in the throat; he was unable to recognize the
wound as being the result of a gunshot.*28Yet,
Perry described the wound to Humes as being
between three and five millimeters in diameter.
Perry said he had made a tracheotomy incision of a
few millimeters across the throat and into the
windpipe in order to insert a small tube as a means
of resuscitation.29This incision was merely a tiny
slit and the wound was recognizable as a gunshot
wound, even after the tracheotomy. But Humes
described the same wound as 6.5 centimeters in
diameter, ". . . with widely gaping irregular
edges. "30In inches, the wound as described by
Humes would be 2-9/16" long, quite a contrast to
the three to five millimeters (1/8" to 3/16", ap-
proximately) described by Perry.
The difference in the two descriptions suggests
the possibility that the wound's appearance was
obliterated after the body left Dallas and before it
reached Washington. Such an act could have been
committed only by Dr. Burkley (Kennedy's
physician), or by the party in custody of the
President's body: the Secret Service. That idea
might sound absurd until one considers the conduct
of certain members of that agency on November 22
(discussed in Chapter Seven).
The Sixth Floor Sniper's Nest
At 12:30 p.m., November 22, 1963, a gun was
seen in the easternmost window on the sixth floor
of the Texas School Book Depository. Several
hours later that location had been designated as the
* During the autopsy the surgeons thought the wound might
have been caused by a bullet or skull fragment from the fatal
head shot. This theory has been advanced by Professor Josiah
Thompson, a long-time critic of the Warren Report. However,
the Zapruder film shows JFK clutching at his throat as early as
frame 227; the head shot did not occur until frame 313, 4-7/10
sniper's nest, and later became known as "the Ft.4,42
Contained in the Warren Commission exhibits
are at least three variations of this so-called
sniper's nest. The photographs of the three ver-
sions are labeled as Commission Exhibits 509, 724
and 733. A possible fourth version may appear in a
picture taken by Dallas Morning News
photographer Jack Beers.*
J. C. Day of the Dallas Police crime scene
search section arrived at the TSBD 45 minutes
after the assassination and, we are told,
photographed the sixth floor lair in its original
arrangement. All photos of the nest published in
the Hearings were taken after 3:00 p.m., November
22, and on November 25. This is determined by the
shadows and light seen outside the window, the
three different positions of the boxes, and police
photographer R. L. Studebaker's admission that he
took additional photos on Monday, November 25.
By his own admission, Lt. Day returned to the
TSBD at 3:00 p.m., November 22 (after taking the
Mannlicher Carcano rifle to the police Crime Lab)
and made additional pictures of the area near the
corner window allegedly used by Oswald. Day also
admitted that the lair had been changed from its
Mr. Belin. In 724 there are boxes in the
window. Were those boxes in the window the
way you saw them, or had they been replaced
in the window to reconstruct it?
Mr. Day. They had simply been moved in
the processing for prints. They weren't put
back in any particular order.
Mr. Belin. So 724 does not represent, so
far as the boxes are concerned, the crime
scene when you first came to the sixth floor,
is that correct?
Mr. Day. That is correct.
Mr. Belin. Let me ask you this: Had all of
the boxes of the stack in 724 been replaced
there or had any of the boxes been in a
position they were at the time you first
arrived at the building, if you know?
Mr. Day. No, sir; they had not been placed
in the proper position or approximate
position at the time we arrived.
One wonders just how many times the police
actually photographed the rebuilt versions of the
nest, with this remark by Studebaker: ". . . that
stuff has been up there and back until I was so
* Two days later Beers, who died in February, 1975, took a
famous photograph of Jack Ruby as he lunged forward to shoot
Taken only seconds after the assassination, these photographs
show sniper's nest with box one-quarter of window width from
right [east] edge of window frame.
Taken less than 15 minutes after the shooting, these photos
also show the "Oswald window" with the box in its original
The Material Evidence
In this "official" photograph [Commission Exhibit 733] of the
window taken from building's interior, stack of boxes has been
moved from its original position of one-quarter distance from
east [left] edge of frame to one-half distance. New position now
provided adequate space for aiming and firing rifle.
Photograph taken at approximately 4:00 p.m., November 22,
shows further "remodeling" of the assassin's lair.
This picture, Commission Exhibit 509, shows the boxes in yet
Commission Exhibit 724: a further rearrangement of the
November 25—the fourth day spent by authorities building and
Photograph taken November 24—authorities continue to work
at the sniper's window.
rebuilding the confusing sniper's nest. Commission Exhibit 512 shows the three scattered cartridges.
From autopsy report face
sheet: arrow points to
President's left temple.
questioned about this when he appeared before the
Dr. Marion Jenkins of the Parkland staff
testified, ". . . I don't know whether this is right or
not, but I thought there was a wound on the left
temple area . . . " Commission counsel Arlen
Spector quickly advised Jenkins, "The autopsy
report discloses no such development."34
True, such a wound is not mentioned in the
autopsy report, although its existence is indicated
in a sketch by one of the three autopsy physicians.
A drawing by autopsy surgeon J. Thornton
Boswell, depicting a top view of Kennedy's skull,
shows a wound three centimeters (1-3/16") in
diameter in the left forehead. Furthermore, the
autopsy face sheet—a diagram showing a frontal
view of the President's body—shows a black dot
over the left eye; a black dot is used on the same
diagram to represent the other wounds on the
body, those in the head and back.
Several witnesses spoke of a wound on the left
side of the head. Father Oscar Huber, who ad-
ministered the last rites to Kennedy, is quoted as
saying he saw a "terrible wound" over the
President's left eye—exactly where it appears on
the autopv face sheet—as he anointed JFK's
Dr. Adolph Giesecke of Parkland thought he
had seen a wound in the left temple.37
Photographer James Altgens testified, "There was
flesh particles that flew out of the side of his head in
my direction from where I was standing, so much
so that it indicated to me that the shot came out of
the left side of his head. "38Norman Similas, the
Canadian whose photo taken during the
assassination was lost, told reporters that he
"could see a hole in the President's left temple and
his head and hair were bathed in blood."39
Did this wound exist? Was it an exit wound
from the head shot fired from the rear? The wound
L is not mentioned in the autopsy report.
* As the priest left Trauma Room One he was pulled aside by
two Secret Service agents and told, "Father, you don't know
anything."36Father Huber died in 1973.
Autopsy Photographs and X-Rays
Based on what we have discussed in this
chapter, it isn't difficult to guess why federal
authorities have so zealously guarded the
photographs and x-rays of President Kennedy's
body. They include 22 4"x5" color transparencies;
18 4"x6" black and white negatives; and one roll
of 120 film containing five exposures.49
They were given to Secret Service agent Roy
Kellerman and taken to the White House on
November 23;41from there they remained in limbo
for several years. Certainly the Warren Com-
mission had access to them, but for reasons of
"taste" declined to view them, relying instead on
the testimony of the autopsy physicians and ar-
tists' sketches made from verbal descriptions by
These materials were wrongly held to be the
property of the Kennedy family and on October 29,
1966, the family "donated" them to the United
States Government.' Access to the materials was
subject to strict regulations imposed by the
Kennedys. The only persons permitted to view
them were government-sponsored teams of doctors
in 1967 (after books like Rush to Judgement and
Inquest had destroyed all public faith in the
Warren Report) and in 1968 (in an attempt to
discredit Jim Garrison's investigation in New
Orleans).' Because these medical teams were
sponsored by the government, they had a
responsibility to support the official version and
they complied accordingly.
It is significant that the only non-government
pathologist to see the photographs and X-rays says
they absolutely do not support the conclusions of
the Warren Report. Not until August, 1972 was
Dr. Cyril Wecht allowed to study the materials. 45
He is coroner of Allegheny County (Pittsburg),
Pennsylvania and clinical associate professor of
pathology at the University of Pittsburg School of
Medicine.46He is not a quack or an unqualified
urologist, as is Dr. John K. Lattimer, who has so
eagerly concluded that the autopsy materials
"eliminate any doubt completely" that the Warren
Commission was correct.47
Wecht, who has since become one of the most
outspoken critics of the Warren Report, has
"The Warren Commission's 'single-bullet
theory' is untenable, and the Commission's
conclusion that there was only one assassin
cannot be reconciled with available evidence.
Medical and photographic data, including
measurements of wound angles and
calculations of bullet trajectories, strongly
Walthers stoops to retrieve something from the turf. Walthers' hand holding an unidentifiable object.
Walthers straightens up, clutching something in his right
hand. "Agent" moves in to inspect the area. Agent reaches for something on ground.
The Material Evidence
Enlargement of agent's hand, from a slightly different angle,
reveals what appears to be a spent bullet.
Agent stands, clutching object in hand.
Agent places object in left pants pocket.
Nov. 23 edition of Fort Worth "Star-Telegram" printed this
photo with the caption, "Assassin's bullet—One of the rifle
bullets fired by the murderer of President Kennedy lies in the
grass across Elm Street from the building in which the killer
was hiding and from where he launched his assault."
composition were found* by this method, these
were not considered to be sufficient to permit
positively differentiating among the larger bullet
fragments and thus positively determining from
which of the larger bullet fragments any given
small lead fragment may have come. "5Q
In other words, Hoover implies that the tests
But this letter emerges as one of the most
damaging pieces of evidence against the single-
bullet theory, for what Hoover does not mention is
that with NAA the amount of difference between
particles is virtually meaningless; any difference,
no matter how small, is both sufficient and
irrefutable.51The tests were conclusive and they
prove that JFK and the Governor were indeed
struck by separate bullets.
"Missing": JFK's Brain and Skin Tissues
John Kennedy's brain was removed during the
autopsy and preserved for examination at a later
date. Certain sections were taken through the skin
at the supposed wounds of entry in the rear of the
head and in the back. The brain and skin tissue
sections were examined by the autopsy team two
weeks after the autopsy and additional
photographs were made at that time.52
All of these items were supposed to have been
turned over to the National Archives on April 26,
1965 by Admiral George Burkley, but they are not
included in the inventory of items officially given
the government by the Kennedy family.53When
Dr. Wecht was finally permitted to study the
autposy materials, he made a startling discovery:
all of these items are missing.from the Archives.54
There has been no attempt on the part of the
government to account for the missing items; we
have no way of knowing if they have been
destroyed or stolen. It appears to be merely
another tactic in what Wecht calls "a prolonged
and willful cover-up of the Commission's failure by
Were these items available, a qualified
pathologist like Dr. Wecht could determine
whether all the shots were fired from the rear or if
shots came from the right front; the path of the
bullet through the brain could be discerned and the
location of the gunman determined.
One mystery which could be solved would be
the identification of an object that appears in
photographs of the brain. It is dark gray-brown
and measures 1/2 " x 3/4". According to Wecht, the
object has a slight focal shimmering effect in some
* Emphasis added.
pictures that could just be photographic artifacts,
or could be due to some light reflection caused by
materials contained in the object.57
Whatever it is, the object was not even
mentioned by the autopsy physicians, even though
they held a supplemental examination two weeks
after the autopsy. They did not fully examine the
brain by sectioning it—a normal and routine
We fully agree with Dr. Wecht, who wrote in
"To voluntarily omit such an examination is
to be incompetent or a fool, and I do not
believe the autopsy pathologists were either.
I believe that they were instructed not to do a
complete examination of the brain. The
decision was not theirs.
" Also, I think it is very clear that the
autopsy pathologists did not comment on
that object in the brain because, again, they
were instructed not to."58
As we shall see in a later chapter, these
military physicians were, in fact, ordered by their
superiors not to conduct a complete examination of
MATERIAL EVIDENCE DESTROYED r04,400rA.E. 06.5144,40 ~5/44.
The Presidential Limousine
Within 48 hours of the shots in Dealey Plaza
the Kennedy death car was shipped to the Ford
Motor Company in Detroit and completely
destroyed, as far as evidence was concerned.59This
was done after a cursory examination by the FBI.
The inside, which may have contained bloodstains,
bullet holes or bullet fragments was entirely
Presidential limousine after the ambush.
reason seems quite obvious: there was great
conflict between the autopsy report drafted that
November weekend and the one which eventually
appeared in the Warren Report. By consigning the
original notes to flames, Humes or his superiors
hoped to resolve the conflict.
Humes testified that the official autopsy
report was drafted on November 24, 1963, and
given to the Commission on December 23.64 This
version, we are told, holds that a whole bullet
entered Kennedy's neck and exited his throat.
But recall that during the January 27, 1964
session of the Commission, more than a month
after the autopsy was in the hands of the Com-
mission, J. Lee Rankin remarks, "We have an
explanation there in the autopsy that probably a
fragment* came out the front of the neck . . . ."
Thus, at that stage of the.game, the Commission
was under the impression that a bullet fragment
had caused that throat wound, and wondered how a
fragment from the back wound could have caused
the throat wound, since the back wound was below
the one in front.
The implication here is momentous: as of
January 27, 1964 the Commission did not have,
contrary to Humes' testimony, the report it later
published as the "official" autopsy report. It
apparently had in January, an earlier and different
This is merely another indication of the
lengths taken by elements of the government in
order to conceal the facts about the murder of the
L Chief Executive.
Notes Taken During Oswald's Interrogation
During his brief period in the custody of the
Dallas Police, the man who was supposed to be the
century's most important prisoner was questioned
for a total of twelve hours:66yet we are led to
believe that no notes were taken and that the
sessions were not recorded on tape or transcripts
made. What did Oswald say during those twelve
hours? Did he reveal that he was an informer for the
FBI? Did he admit to having prior knowledge of
the assassination? Did he admit to being involved
in a conspiracy?
J. Will Fritz, the man in charge of Oswald's
interrogation, told the Warren Commission that he
"kept no notes ."*66Does that mean that he passed
them on to his superiors? Gave them to the FBI?
Destroyed them? Fritz, a long-time veteran of the
department, was well-respected and was regarded
by police agencies across the nation as a highly
efficient law officer.
We do not believe that he would overlook the
long-established procedure of recording the
statements of a prisoner, particularly when the
prisoner had allegedly killed the President of the
United States. The question remains: why did he
keep no notes? As we shall see in a later chapter,
Will Fritz apparently received orders from very
high authority . . . .
Time and again the Warren Commission, the
investigative agencies it relied upon for evidence,
and others willfully suppressed evidence (a possible
wound in JFK's left temple, the autopsy
photographs and x-rays, at least two bullets, the
actual results of spectographic analysis and NAA
tests). They intentionally altered evidence: the
location of Kennedy's back wound and the nature
of the throat wound, and the sixth floor "sniper's
nest." They destroyed important evidence, in-
cluding the original autopsy notes, possibly the
notes taken during Oswald's interrogation, the
Presidential limousine and Connally's suit and
Clearly there was an attempt by Federal and
local authorities to conceal the facts as contained in
the evidence. The cover-up is all too obvious.
• Emphasis added. • Emphasis added.
The Material Evidence 80
NOTES - CHAPTER THREE
1. Report, p. 5.
2. FBI Summary Report, p. 18.
3. FBI Supplemental Report, p. 2.
4. CD 7 (Sibert-O'Neill Report).
6. II H 93.
7. Ibid, 127.
8. FBI Summary Report, p. 18.
9. FBI Supplemental Report, p. 2.
10. II H 93.
11. Ibid, 27.
12. Report, p. 111
13. II H 143.
15. Weisberg-Post Mortem, p. 239.
1G. II H 373.
17. Cited in Whitewash IV (Weisberg), p. 102.
18. New York Times, 11-23-63.
19. Ibid, 11-27-63.
20. Life, 11-29-63.
21. St. Louis Post-Dispatch, 12-01-63.
22. Ibid, 12-18-63.
23. VI H 9.
24. Ibid, 37.
25. Ibid, 55.
26. Ibid, 42.
27. Cited in Forgive My Grief IV (Jones), p. 151.
28. II H 362.
29. III H 369, 370.
30. XVII H 34.
31. Interview of Roger Craig by Gary Shaw and Penn Jones.
32. Conversation with Mary Ferrell, 12-12-75.
33. XVII H 12.
34. VI H 48.
35. Philadelphia Sunday-Bulletin, 11-24-63.
36. Bishop-The Day Kennedy Was Shot, p. 224.
37. VI H 74.
38. VII H 518.
39. New York Times, 11-24-63.
40. CD 7 (Sibert-O'Neill Report).
42. Saturday Evening Post, 1-14-67.
43. Modern Medicine, 10-28-74 (article by Dr. Wecht).
49. Letter from J. Edgar Hoover to J. Lee Rankin, 7-18-64,
cited in Modern Medicine, 10-28-74.
51. New Times, 4-18-75 (Anson-"The Greatest Cover-up of
52. Modern Medicine, 10.28-74.
55. The Forensic Science Gazette, 9-73 (article by Wecht &
56. Modern Medicine, 10-28-74.
59. Jones-Forgive My Grief III, p. 2.
60. Ibid (Vol. II), p. 73.
63. XVII H 48.
64. II H 373.
65. Report, p. 180.
Lee Harvey Oswald protests as Dallas Police officers drag him
from the Texas Theatre one hour and twenty minutes after the
assassination. He was not the only suspect arrested in con-
nection with the President's murder; there were at least a dozen
others . . . .
Truth is the glue that holds government
together . . . .
August 9, 1974
ARRESTED AND RELEASED
Lee Harvey Oswald was not the only man
arrested in Dallas for questioning about the
assassination. Though not generally known, at
least a dozen other persons were arrested and in-
terrogated regarding the President's murder. Me
in and around Dealey Plaza were taken into
custody and two were arrested in Fort Worth.
Another was arrested in New Orleans. These men
were arrested in connection with the Kennedy
murder, yet almost all were released shortly after
the apprehension of Oswald, although ostensibly he
was brought in for the murder of police officer J. D.
Tippit, rather than that of the President.
Arrests . . . Tramps or Assassins?
Three of the arrests which assassination
researchers have long felt significant were brought
to public attention when the Rockefeller Com-
mission investigating CIA activities domestically
briefly studied a series of photographs taken
shortly after the assassination.
Three different photographers took pictures of
three tramps being escorted by Dallas Police to the
Sheriff's office. The FBI was asked to examine the
photos after comedian-activist Dick Gregory
publicly made erroneous charges that two of the
tramps were actually Watergate conspirators E.
Howard Hunt and Frank Sturgis, thereby in-
dicating CIA involvement in the assassination.
While the two tramps do bear a slight (very
slight) resemblance to Hunt and Sturgis in one of
the photographs, the other pictures clearly show
that Gregory is mistaken and his conjecture both
irresponsible and damaging to serious work by
other critics and researchers. No credible critic has
ever agreed with the comedian. In fact photo-
analyst Robert Groden, whose work on the
Zapruder film is so valuable, spent a considerable
amount of time before the Rockefeller panel ex-
plaining why Hunt and Sturgis could not be the
men in the photographs. Still, critics like Michael
Canfield and A. J. Weberman (whose book Coup
d' Etat In America is irresponsible journalism at its
worst) continue to insist that the Watergate duo
are the same men seen in the tramp photos. In
doing so they only damage the credibility of
competent researchers who seek a new in-
vestigation of JFK's death.
The Rockefeller Report is just as dishonest and
deceptive as that issued by the Warren Com-
mission, and is actually an extension of the cover-
up inaugurated in the 1964 report. The CIA
Report's chapter dealing with the Kennedy
assassination implies that because Hunt and
Sturgis were not the tramps in question, they were
not assassins, and if they were not assassins, no
shot or shots could have been fired from the grassy
knoll. That, of course, is blatant deception, for no
legitimate critic has even claimed or implied that
Hunt or Sturgis was a gunman or members of the
assassination team. However, the case of the three
tramps cannot be dismissed so lightly.
These "derelicts" were discovered by police
crouching in an open boxcar parked on the tracks
Various photographs show three unidentified "tramps" being
taken into custody by Dallas Police; the three were found
crouching in a railroad box car south of Dealey Plaza. Whether
or not they were tramps is open to question, as they are clean
shaven and have recent barbershop haircuts.
Other Suspects Arrested and Released
E. Howard Hunt Frank Sturgis Fred Crisman
on the south side of Dealey Plaza near the Terminal
Annex Building.5A close look at the photographs
reveals that at least one and possibly two of the
men are not real tramps, for they appear to have
had recent barbershop haircuts, their clothing is
not as worn as a tramp's would be, and the soles of
their shoes are thick.
While the oldest of the three is obviously not
Howard Hunt, he may be Fred Lee Crisman, a
Minuteman from Washington, D.C. So maintains
computer scientist Richard Sprague, a diligent
assassination researcher.6Sprague and others have
long been interested in the first tramp, nicknamed
"Frenchy" because of his clothing; because he
was found hiding in a boxcar, a number of
researchers believe this man may have been one of
the actual gunmen who shot JFK. Photographs
show the tall tramp smirking, seemingly amused
over the matter, but "Frenchy" has a stern ex-
pression and seems quite concerned about the
Several researchers believe "Frenchy" may
provide a connection to the slaying of Martin
Luther King, for he bears a startling, identical
Memphis Police sketch of
resemblance to the police sketch of the first suspect
in the shooting of the civil rights leader. Only one
person, Mrs. Grace Walden, actually saw a man
leave the room determined by Memphis police to be
the origin of the shot that killed King; the police
sketch that so resembles "Frenchy" was based
upon her description of the man she had seen. Two
years later Mrs. Walden identified a photograph of
a right-wing Louisiana State Policeman as the man
she saw immediately following the King shooting.?
Who were the three men arrested thirty
minutes after Kennedy was shot? Were all three
real tramps or was one or more of them part of an
assassination team? Thanks to Dallas law en-
forcement officials and the FBI, we may never
know. Deputy Sheriff Harold Elkins released them
without any arrest record being made, or any mug
shots or fingerprints being taken. Not even their
names were written down.8
More arrests . . . the Dal-Tex Building
Three more men were arrested in the Dal-Tex
Building, directly across Houston Street from the
Book Depository. Several researchers, including
Harold Weisberg, Penn Jones, Robert Groden and
Richard Sprague, believe one or more shots were
fired from this building.
Phil Willis, a witness to the assassination, told
the author that police escorted from the building a
young man wearing a black leather jacket and
black gloves. Willis photographed the suspect but
says he destroyed the print so as not to embarrass
the unidentified man.9There is no mention of this
suspect in police reports from that weekend.
A man named Larry Florer was taken into
custody as he left the Dal-Tex Building. Florer
gave a written statement that he was eating lunch
on Pacific Street, two blocks north of Elm, when he
heard on a radio that shots had been fired at the
motorcade. He wandered over to the assassination
site and asked a woman where he could find a
telephone; she directed him to the third floor of the
Dal-Tex Building but Florer said all phone lines
were busy there, so he left and was apprehended as
he exited the lobby.10A film of the arrest shows
Florer staggering back and forth as though in-
Larry Florer under arrest.
vagrancy, after Braden and an associate had
swindled a pair of wealthy widows;12over the years
Braden has had a penchant for marrying—and later
deserting—rich widows. Braden's career in crime is
too extensive to cover here; the reader is referred to
Peter Noyes' Legacy of Doubt (Pinnacle Books,
On November 22 Braden told authorities that
he was in Dallas from Beverly Hills, California on
oil business.13The day before, he had been
scheduled to meet with Lamar Hunt, son of the late
oil billionaire H. L. Hunt. That same day Jack
Ruby was in the Hunt offices, ostensibly to help a
young woman get a job.14Braden and a traveling
friend were staying at the Cabana Motor Hotel,
where on the evening of November 21 Ruby just
happened to meet with two Chicago friends in the
lounge.15The Cabana (now the Hyatt House)
overlooks Stemmons Freeway, which the
presidential motorcade would have taken enroute
to the Trade Mart.
Upon his arrival in Dallas, Braden checked in
with a parole officer and used the name Eugene
Hale Brading.18But when he was arrested he
A third man was arrested in the building after
he too had tried to use a telephone on the third
floor. This man, Jim Braden (alias Eugene Hale
Brading), is perhaps the most interesting of all the
arrested men whose identities are known. He is a
known Mafia courier with extensive ties to
organized crime and a record of thirty arrests
dating from 1934.11
Eleven years earlier he had been arrested in
Dallas by Sheriff Bill Decker on charges of
Braden-Brading 1951 mug shot.
presented a California driver's license bearing the
name "Jim Braden"; the name on the license had
been changed from Brading to Braden two months
earlier, and he was able to be questioned without
While Braden was being interrogated, his
roommate, ex-convict Morgan H. Brown, abruptly
checked out of the Cabana at 2:00 p.m., even
though the pair had made arrangements to stay
through November 24.18Ironically, a character like
Braden, who may very well have had some in-
volvement in the assassination, was detained only
momentarily; Larry Florer, mentioned previously,
was in custody for several hours.Jim Braden in Dealey Plaza
• . •
' ' •
Other Suspects Arrested and Released 88
nection with the shooting of President Kennedy (or
possibly of Officer J. D. Tippit), and that law en-
forcement officials failed even to record his name.
Unidentified youth being led from Capt. Fritz's office at the
time of Oswald's incarceration in that office.
cf.) WELT" /2.121.MS
In a taped interview with the author, Deputy1
Sheriff Roger Craig related that Dallas Police
arrested a Latin man on Elm Street minutes after
the assassination. Unlike others, this man was
spared from a time-consuming trip to Police
headquarters, the reason being he could not speak
English! He was released on-the-spot. Craig
subsequently identified this same man as the driver
of the Rambler station wagon in which, according
to the deputy sheriff, he saw Oswald leave Dealey
Plaza. In view of Oswald's connections with Latin
and Cuban figures, this arrest could have been of
great import. We have to agree with Sylvia
Meagher, who derisively wrote, "Not many police
departments can match the Dallas force."21
Still More Arrests . . . Two Men in Fort Worth
Meanwhile, the Fort Worth police made an
assassination-related arrest 90 minutes after
Kennedy was shot, and they remembered to take
the suspect's name: Donald Wayne House, a man
who somewhat resembled Lee Oswald.
House told the FBI he did not work that day
because of rain, and that he had driven more than
100 miles to Dallas from his home in Ranger, Texas
to visit an old army buddy. Arriving in Dallas
about 10:30 a.m., he parked his car at an
unidentified location on Commerce Street and tried
to telephone his friend, Randall Hunsaker, who
resided in the Dallas suburb of Mesquite.22 It is
odd that House did not phone his friend prior to
driving such a distance.
Unable to reach Hunsaker, House decided to
go to Fort Worth but traffic was heavy because of
the Presidential motorcade, so he parked his car
and watched the parade before departing.23
That afternoon at about 1:35 the Dallas Police
dispatcher sent out an alert for a green and white
1957 Ford, Texas license #DT-4857.2A That vehicle
was registered to House. The source of the report
was a Mrs. Cunningham, who called the Grand
Prairie, Texas police and told them that the car had
been involved in the assassination and was enroute
to Ranger.*25Mrs. Cunningham is otherwise
unidentified and apparently there was no attempt
by the FBI to locate or further identify her. Ten
minutes after the alert was broadcast, House was
stopped on the east side of Fort Worth near Haltom
City. Tarrant County law officers booked House
into the city jail where he was questioned by two
FBI agents and released upon the news that
Oswald had been apprehended.
At 2:19 p.m. a Dallas Police unit was
dispatched to 5818 Belmont, where someone had
been observed removing a rifle from a light green,
two-tone vehicle.26The car did not belong to House
but a second automobile at that location was
registered to a George T. Hunsaker of Dallas.27 Is
this man related to House's friend, Randall
Hunsaker? Apparently the FBI and Dallas Police
overlooked a possible connection, for there are no
indications the lead was followed. And had they
checked they might have learned that in March,
1964, prior to license renewal, House junked his
six-year-old green and white Ford.28
House unknowingly may have been an im-
portant man in November, 1963. It is quite likely
that the assassination planners were operating with
several concurrent plans with several patsies. Had
Oswald failed to function as anticipated, blame for
the murder could have fallen on someone like
* The city of Ranger, Texas may take on added significance in
view of a story related to the authors in 1975. A Cleburne,
Texas resident relates that the week of the assassination he
drove with a man he believed to be Lee Harvey Oswald from
Juarez, Mexico to Fort Worth. They stopped in Ranger and
"Oswald" made a local telephone call. (See Chapter 5).
Other Suspects Arrested and Released
The Lying Car Salesman
Jack Lawrence was arrested later that af-
ternoon and held in jail for 24 hours. Judging from
his peculiar behavior on November 22, one cannot
help but garner the idea that he was somehow
involved in the assassination.
Jack Lawrence, arrested by police because he behaved so
suspiciously on the afternoon of November 22.
In October, 1963 Lawrence had shown up at
Downtown Lincoln-Mercury two blocks west of
Dealey Plaza and obtained employment as a car
salesman after presenting what appeared to be
excellent references from an auto dealership in New
Orleans; independent researchers have since
discovered that the references were completely
phony. He never sold one car, from the time his
employment began until he abruptly quit on
Lawrence came to Dallas from Los Angeles
and was known as an ardent right-wing speaker.
According to the Babushka Lady, he was
frequently seen in Jack Ruby's Carousel Club and
was a close friend of Ruby's roommate, George
On Thursday, November 21 Lawrence received
permission to borrow a company car, after telling
his boss that he had a "heavy date" that evening.31
Friday morning Lawrence failed to report to
work and the supervisor became concerned about
the borrowed car. Then, thirty minutes after the
President was shot, Lawrence came hurrying
through the showroom with mud on his clothes,
pale and sweating profusely; he ran to the restroom
and threw up. He told co-workers that he had been
ill that morning, tried to drive the car back to the
dealership and finally parked it because traffic was
so heavy; two employees went to get the car.
Lawrence, an expert marksman in the Air Force,
had parked the vehicle behind the wooden fence on
the knoll, overlooking the assassination site.32
His behavior was so suspicious that one of his
co-workers called police. Lawrence was taken in for
questioning and held overnight. Following his
release the next day, he immediately left Dallas and
went to his parent's home in South Charlestown,
One More Arrest That Night . . Oswald's
On the evening of November 22, Buell Wesley
Frazier was arrested in Irving and taken to Dallas
Police headquarters for questioning. Frazier was
the 19-year old man who worked with Oswald at the
Book Depository and had driven the accused
assassin to work that Friday morning. The police
searched the home of Frazier's sister, with whom he
lived, and confiscated his British .300 rifle, an
ammunition clip and a box of ammunition.33
Frazier was questioned extensively, released
and was enroute to Irving in a police squad car
when headquarters sent a radio message to return
with Frazier.34He consented to undergo a poly-
graph examination, which was administered at
During questioning Frazier told his now-
famous story that Oswald had normally ac-
companied him to Irving on weekends, to visit
Marina and the children, but had asked to go there
on Thursday; then the next morning Oswald
Buell Wesley Frazier: an unwitting participant in the framing
Other Suspects Arrested and Released 92
David Ferrie in 1961.
The Ferrie incident lay forgotten until late
1966 when Garrison launched his probe into a
possible New Orleans-based conspiracy to
assassinate JFK. Ferrie was placed under 24-hour
surveillance, eventually taken into protective
custody and questioned for two days. Then, on
February 22, 1967, two days after his release and
five days after Garrison's investigation was made
public, Ferrie was found dead in his apartment.41
The coroner's office ruled death from natural causes
(a massive brain hemorrhage). Two typewritten
suicide notes with typewritten signatures were
found near the body.42
Garrison was not alone in his interest in Ferrie,
for many pages of Warren Commission documents,
omitted from the 26 volumes, are devoted to Ferrie
and his diverse activities. Among other things, he
was a CIA contract employee involved in training
AI Beaubeouf, another Ferrie companion.
Layton Martens, one of Ferrie's traveling companions.
anti-Castro Cuban exiles for the Bay of Pigs in-
vasion; a private investigator for New Orleans
Mafia chieftain Carlos Marcello and for Guy
Banister, a former FBI agent and private detective
who was deeply involved in anti-Castro activity;*
an accomplished pianist; a self-styled psychologist;
a hypnotist; a cancer researcher who kept hundreds
of white mice uncaged in his apartment; and a free-
Garrison has described Ferrie as "one of
history's most important individuals." He may
have been. In 1968 one of Ferrie's many
homosexual roommates disclosed that he had been
told by Ferrie of his involvement in the JFK
* Banister, once in charge of the Chicago office of the FBI,
figured prominently in the investigation of New Orleans D.A.
Jim Garrison. Banister died of a heart attack in 1964.
On August 9, 1963 Oswald was arrested in New Orleans
when an altercation broke out as h•distributed Fair Play For
Cuba leaflets. Page 408 of the Warren Report states, "While
the legend 'FPCC 544 Camp Street, New Orleans, La.' was
stamped on some literature that Oswald had in his possession
at the time of his arrest in New Orleans, extensive Investigation
was not able to connect Oswald with that address, although it
did develop the fact that an anti-Castro organization had
maintained offices there for a period of time ending early in
Indeed, 544 Camp Street was a hotbed of right-wing, anti-
Castro activity, much of it under the direction of Banister and
sponsored by the Central Intelligence Agency. The address for
Banister's detective agency was given as 531 Lafayette place—
the side entrance of 544 Camp Street. Garrison produced
several witnesses who placed Oswald in and around that ad.
dress, also the headquarters of the Cuban Democratic
Directly across from 544 Camp is the U. S. Courthouse,
which in 1963 housed the local headquarters of the CIA. One
block away is the Reily Company, a coffee firm where Oswald
worked during the summer months of 1963.
The reader is referred to chapter six of Garrison's book, A
Heritage of Stone."
Guy W. Bannister—former FBI agent and avowed right-wing
assassination. According to Ray Broshears, Ferrie
told him that he had gone to Houston to pick up
two of Kennedy's assassins and fly them, by way of
South America, to South Africa, with which the
United States had no extradition treaty.* Ferrie,
says Broshears, was waiting for the pair at a
Ray Broshears, a Ferrie roommate.
* Reportedly, a private plane with engines running was seized
at Dallas' Red Bird Airport by Federal authorities on the af-
ternoon of November 22, 1963. This plane was placed in a
hangar by authorities, sealed and kept under guard for several
Houston airport; the assassins, enroute from
Dallas by private plane, never showed up.`4
Civil Air Patrol cadet Lee Oswald
Other Suspects Arrested and Released 94
Like Lee Oswald, Ferrie died before he had a
chance to divulge any information he might have
had about the conspiracy to kill John Kennedy. We
firmly agree with Garrison's assessment of David
Ferrie: he was one of history's most important
No Conspiracy . . . Oswald Alone Committed the
No less than a dozen men were arrested in
Dallas, two in Fort Worth and one in New Orleans.
Some of them may have been—and quite likely
were—involved in the assassination of President
Kennedy. As for those arrested in Dallas, almost
all—with the exception of the man held in jail three
weeks—were released once Lee Oswald was taken
into custody. This method of operation by Dallas
law enforcement officials, particularly for such a
momentous crime, is not typical.
A "no conspiracy" advisory message came
early that afternoon and it came long before any
facts related to the murder could be assembled by
local authorities. The message came, not from
Dallas, but from Washington, D.C. Why were
these other suspects so quickly brushed aside once
Oswald had been apprehended?
David Ferrie and Julian Buznedo.
These photographs of Lee Harvey
Oswald's arrest were taken
by Dallas resident S. L. Reed;
they are published here for the
first time anywhere.
[Right]: Crowd gathers in front
of Texas Theatre as a protesting Oswald
is escorted out by police; uniformed
officer on left is covering Oswald's
face with his white hat. Contrary to
the police story, a theatre patron said that
inside the building Oswald stood up, raised
his hands over his head and said, "I am not
resisting arrest. I am not resisting arrest."
But, the witness said, police officers began
to beat Oswald, and one struck him
in the back with the butt of a shotgun.
[Left]: Police restrain hostile
bystanders as Oswald is placed in
police car. Although Dallas Police
supposedly had no way of
knowing that the man they were
arresting had anything to do
with the murders of President
Kennedy and Officer Tippit, one
officer was heard to say,
"This man [Oswald] killed the
President!" as they brought
Oswald from the theatre. Another
Policeman remarked to the ticket-taker,
"We have our man on both counts."
[Right]: Police continue to restrain people
in crowd as officers prepare to drive
Oswald to police headquarters—where
he was murdered two days later.
Driving is Sgt. Gerald Hill, who is
discussed in the next chapter.
Other Suspects Arrested and Released 96
NOTES - CHAPTER FOUR
1. Rolling Stone, 4-24-75.
2. Lecture by Robert Groden, Dallas, Texas, May 17, 1975.
3. Canfield & Weberman, Coup d' etas in America (chapter 5).
4. Rockefeller Commission Report, pp. 255-257.
5. Interview of Roy Vaughn (Dallas Police) by Penn Jones and
Larry Harris, September 1975.
6. Letter from Richard Sprague to Larry Harris.
7. "The Assassination of Martin Luther King" by Wayne
Chastain; Computers and People magazine (February 1974-
8. Sprague, Richard - "Who Killed President John F. Kennedy?
Why? How?" People & the Pursuit of Truth, October,
9. Interview of Phil Willis by Gary Shaw.
10. 19, H, 476 (Decker Exhibit 5323).
11. Forgive My Grief, Vol. IV, p. 123 (Article by Earl Golz).
12. Ibid, p. 129.
13. 19, H, 469 (Decker Exhibit 5323).
14. 25, H, 194 and 219.
15. Warren Report, p. 334.
16. Forgive My Grief, IV, p. 123.
19. Noyes, Peter - Legacy of Doubt, Pinnacle Books, 1973.
20. Dallas Times-Herald, 12-10-63.
21. Meagher, Sylvia - Accessories After the Fact (Foreword, p.
XX V/. .
22. Copy of FBI Report dated 11-23-63.
24. 19, H, 523 (Decker Exhibit 5323).
25. Copy of FBI Report, 11-23-63.
26. Dallas Police Radio Tapes for 11-22-63.
27. Copy of Texas Passenger Car License Receipt (Refer to 17,
28. Copy of Texas Passenger Car License Receipt from Texas
29. Inquiry by Gary Shaw.
30. Interviews of former employees of Downtown Lincoln-
Mercury by Penn Jones, Gary Shaw and Larry Harris.
33. Refer to Commission Exhibits 2970, 3080, 3093.
34. 24, H, 292.
35. Ibid., p. 293.
37. Garrison, Jim - Heritage of Stone, p. 117.
40. Ibid., p. 118-119.
41. Ibid., p. 128.
43. Ibid., p. 121-122.
44. Fammonde, Paris - The Kennedy Conspiracy, p.40
45. Interview conducted by Penn Jones and Gary Shaw.
These are three more photographs
taken by Wilma Bond. The Warren
Commission said there was
no evidence to suggest that shots
were fired from the front of the
motorcade—but failed to explain
why 2/3 of the witnesses heard shots
from the knoll, and why police
and spectators ran to the area behind
the picket fence.
The monumental record of the President's
Commission will stand like a Gibraltar of
factual literature through the ages to come.
—Gerald Ford 
The Warren Report is like a house of cards.
It's going to collapse.
—Sen. Richard Schweiker 
The failure of federal and local law enforcement
agencies, as well as the Warren Commission and its
staff, to follow up every lead continues to baffle,
amaze and anger everyone interested in knowing
the truth about the assassination of President
Kennedy. Every lead (especially the early ones), no
matter how tenuous, should have been pursued
until every question was resolved and each lead
Within the 18,000 pages of testimony, af-
fidavits and FBI reports comprising the 26
volumes of Commission Hearings are hundreds of
potential leads which were never followed. That
some of the more obvious—and ominous—were
ignored is indicative of the apathy of federal
authorities in conducting their quasi-investigation.
The task of completing the Commission's
unfinished job has befallen a band of private
citizens. From all walks of life, these men and
women have voluntarily devoted an unestimable
amount of time and effort into researching the JFK
murder. Despite opposition and condemnation by
government officials, and the contempt and
castigation of most of the mass media, these
amateur detectives and self-appointed in-
vestigators continue to probe, seek out witnesses
and pore through the 26 volumes—determined to
learn the truth about the Kennedy regicide.
In each of the previous chapters, we have
examined a number of events which constitute
unfollowed leads. Here we point out several of the
more important and obvious leads never pursued
by the proper authorities. These represent only a
few of the many, many instances in which the
Commission, the FBI and others turned their backs
on significant or potentially important information.
"Secret Service Agents" in Dealey Plaza Following
In the hectic moments after the assassination,
law enforcement personnel directed their attention
first toward the parking lot behind the wooden
fence atop the knoll, and then toward the Texas
School Book Depository. Among the personnel
were men bearing Secret Service credentials and/or
professing to be with the Secret Service.
At the rear door of the Book Depository,
Dallas policemen D. V. Harkness spoke with men
he described as Secret Service agents. It would be
interesting to know how Harkness was certain they
were with the Secret Service, because he testified
that they showed no identification.1Rather than
demanding to see their credentials, Harkness took
their spoken word, thereby lending credence to
charges of ineptness and inefficiency on the part of
the Dallas Police.
Patrolman Joe M. Smith ran to the parking lot
behind the wooden fence after being told by a
woman, "They are shooting the President from the
bushes!" Smith, who said that he smelled gun-
powder in the area behind the fence, told the
Of course, I wasn't alone. There was some
deputy sheriff with me, and I believe one
Secret Service man when I got there.
I got to make this statement, too. I felt
awfully silly, but after the shot and this
woman, I pulled my pistol from my holster,
and I thought, this is silly, I don't know who
I am looking for, and I put it back. Just as I
did, he showed me that he was a Secret
Mr. Liebeler. Did you accost this man?
Mr. Smith. Well he saw me coming with
my pistol and right away he showed me who
Mr. Liebeler. Do you remember who it
Mr. Smith. No sir; I don't—because then
we started checking the cars.*2
Deputy Constable Seymour Weitzman also rar.
to the area behind the fence and encountered a man
or men he thought to be with the Secret Service:
Mr. Ball. Were there other people there
Mr. Weitzman. Yes sir; other officers,
Secret Service as well, and somebody
started, there was something red in the street
and I went back over the wall and somebody
brought me a piece of what he thought to be a
firecracker and it turned out to be, I believe,
I wouldn't quote this, but I turned it over to
one of the Secret Service men and I told them
it should go to the lab because it looked to me
like human bone. I later found out it was
supposedly a portion of the President's
(Whether or not this particular piece of skull
was received by proper authorities has never been
definitely established .)**
The author was told by Deputy Sheriff Roger
Craig that on the front steps of the Book
Depository he observed and gave information to a
man claiming to be an agent of the Secret Service.4
• In 1975 the author learned of a report that a Dallas
policeman, (apparently Joe Smith) encountered a man fleeing
with a rifle in the railroad yard moments after the
assassination. There are indications that the officer may have
fired a warning shot into the air, but in any event, had his pistol
drawn and ordered the running man to halt. According to the
report the man with the rifle stopped, dropped the weapon,
raised his hands and offered to identify himself, at which time
he showed what appeared to be official Secret Service
credentials. This report is presently unconfirmed but the source
is considered most reliable.
** Still classified in the National Archives is CD 1269 entitled,
"Location of Photos of a Bone Specimen."
The significance of the last few paragraphs
may seem unclear to persons not familiar with the
events following the ambush in Dealey Plaza. Most
will rightfully reason that Secret Service personnel
would be expected to be present at the scene of a
Presidential assassination. However, the Warren
Report tells us that there were no Secret Service
personnel in Dealey Plaza in the moments following
"Other Secret Service agents assigned to
the motorcade remained at their posts during
the race to the hospital. None stayed at the
scene of the shooting, and none entered the
Texas School Book Depository Building at or
immediately after the shooting.* Secret
Service procedure requires that each agent
stay with the person being protected and not
be diverted unless it is necessary to ac-
complish the protective assignment."5
Who were these men using what must have
been false Secret Service credentials? Were the
assassins supplied with false identification to
insure that no one would question their being in an
area from which shots had obviously been fired,
and being there so soon after the shots? Or were
true Secret Service representatives, not a part of
the Presidential party, in Dallas as accomplices to
the shooting of JFK? There is no indication that
the Commission bothered to seek an explanation to
reports of Secret Service agents where no Secret
Service agents could be.
Dallas Police Car #207
One of the most mysterious incidents of
November 22, 1963 was related by Mrs. Earlene
Roberts, landlady of the rooming house where
Oswald lived at 1026 N. Beckley in the Oak Cliff
section of Dallas. She told the FBI and Warren
Commission counsel that at about 1:00 p.m., 30
minutes after the assassination, Oswald rushed
into his room, got a jacket and left. She last saw
him standing near the bus stop a short distance up
According to Mrs. Roberts, while Oswald was
still in his room, two uniformed officers in Dallas
Police vehicle #207 stopped directly in front of the
boarding house, honked the horn twice and drove
away toward Zangs Boulevard.6She did not
recognize the two policemen, although she was
acquainted with two members of the force—an
Officer Alexander and a Charles Burnley—who
* Emphasis added.
Unfollowed Leads 100
In the background of this picture, Assistant District Attorney
William Alexander [arrow] can be seen entering a Dallas Police
vehicle. Is it car #207?
sometimes came by in Car #170 to relay messages
to her from their wives.*
On November 22 Car #207 was operated by
patrolman Jimmy M. Valentine. According to him,
he had just taken a shoplifting suspect to the
Juvenile Bureau of the police department when he
received word of the Dealey Plaza shooting and was
dispatched to the assassination site; riding with
him was Sgt. Gerald Hill—an old acquaintance of
Jack Ruby. Upon reaching the plaza, Valentine
said, he parked his vehicle "at the curb" and
entered the School Book Depository, where he was
assigned to the fifth floor until 4:00 or 4:30 p.m.7
(according to police captain W. R. Westbrook, the
keys to Car #207 were given to Sgt. J. A. Putnam
and released to the new shift commander at 3:30
* Earlene Roberts was the victim of police harassment after she
gave her testimony to Commission counsel in Dallas. She died
of an apparent heart attack on January 9,1966.
p.m.. . Valentine said he did not drive the vehicle
that afternoon, but did he loan the keys to Sgt. Hill
or another member of the force? We do not know
because Valentine was not called as a witness
before the Commission.
Gerald Hill was a busy man on November 22.
He found the empty rifle cartridges on the TSBD
sixth floor; he was in the second squad car to arrive
at the Tippit murder site; and was at the Texas
Theatre to assist in apprehending Oswald.8 In the
course of his duties that afternoon, did Hill at any
time drive the vehicle assigned to Valentine, Car
Riding with Hill that afternoon was an equally p4-
industrious fellow, William Alexander, the then- 4440/g/Pa
Assistant District Attorney of Dallas. He was in
and around Dealey Plaza and the Book Depository
shortly after the assassination; he accompanied
Hill to the Tippit murder scene and from there to
the Texas Theatre.9 If it seems odd that an
assistant District Attorney would be playing cop at
such a time, it is even more unusual that he would
be armed and waiting with a group of policemen in
the alley behind the theatre.
Like his buddy Hill, Alexander was an old and
close friend of Jack Ruby.10He was also a selfavowed
right-wing extremist.* He liked to boast of
the number of men he had sent to the electric chair,
and told associates that he had never met a man
who didn't deserve to be hanged. He is alleged to
have threatened to kill a man in the courthouse by
jamming a pistol to the man's head and saying,
"You son of a b---h, I will kill you •right here."13
Bill Alexander: Right-wing Assistant D. A. and, on November
22, part-time cop.
Hill in Fritz's offire — the "Mr. Everywhere" Dallas Policeman
There probably would have been no hesitation
in shooting down a dirty cop-killer and, with no
witnesses in that alley behind the theatre, the
patsy could have been executed on the spot as he
panicked and fled out the rear exit of the movie
* Asked by newsmen on November 22 if he could tell them
anything about suspect Lee Oswald, Alexander snapped, "Yes,
he is a G d Communist."11Later that day he was
zealously preparing to charge the prisoner with killing the
President "as part of an international Communist conspiracy."
12Alexander later resigned under pressure after
suggesting on national television that Chief Justice Earl
Warren be hanged because of his liberal views and Supreme
Cause for suspicion: Sgt. Gerald Hill, Dallas Police.
It would also be interesting to know if William
Alexander and Earlene Roberts' "Officer
Alexander" are one and the same. We know only
that Valentine parked his vehicle at Elm and
Houston and that it was in front of the Book
Depository. A photograph taken shortly before
1:00 p.m.* shows Alexander entering a police
vehicle parked at Elm and Houston, in front of the
Book Depository. Gerald Hill himself said that he,
Alexander and a reporter for the Dallas Morning
News drove to the Tippit murder site via North
Beckely —the street on which Oswald's rooming
house was located.14Were the dubious duo of
Hill** and Alexander occupying Dallas Police Car
* Determined by photo expert Richard Sprague.
** The reader is referred to George O'Toole's study, The
Assassination Tapes (An Electronic Probe Into the Murder of
John F. Kennedy and the Dallas Coverup). Using the
Psychological Stress Evaluator, former CIA man O'Toole
concludes thiit Hill, Paul Bentley and other members of the
Dallas Police force have been less than truthful in taped interviews
pertaining to the assassination and the arrest of
Oswald. Hill apparently has lied in his accounts about the
discovery of the rifle hulls in the TSBD, the Texas Department
of Public Safety's dossier on the alleged assassin, and the
polygraph test administered to Buell Wesley Frazier on
November 22-23, 1963. O'Toole's book suggests the strong
probability that Dallas Policemen assisted in framing Oswald
for the Kennedy and Tippit murders; that conclusion seems
likely, when one considers that no less than the Assistant Chief
of Police was recruited to personally escort Jack Ruby into the
Dallas Police station basement to kill Oswald. It isn't as improbable
as it might sound. O'Toole writes: "The frame-up
formula is much simpler than might be imagined . . . recruit
some police, not the entire department, just a few key officers
who are in a position to fabricate a chain of evidence linking the
scapegoat to the crime, officers in the crime scene search unit,
the crime lab, and perhaps a polygraph examiner to confirm the
truthfulness of witnesses against the fall guy and irnpune the
word of those who might exonerate him." (From The
Assassination Tapes by George O'Toole; Penthouse Press. Ltd.,
Unfollowed Leads 102
The Forgetful Flatfoot
Another related fact is that Earlene Roberts'
sister was Bertha Cheek, a Dallas real estate
woman who had been approached with a business
proposition by Jack Ruby. A policeman named
Olson who rented an apartment from Mrs. Cheek
advised her that Ruby was a good businessman.15
The only "Olson" on the 1963 police roster was
Harry N. Olsen. He is an interesting character.
Olsen was a close friend of Ruby, spent three hours
with him the evening of November 22, married one
of Ruby's strippers (Kay Coleman) and left Dallas
for California less than a month after the
On November 22 Olsen was off-duty and
working an "extra job" guarding an estate in Oak
Cliff. When he testified before the Commission,
this forgetful flatfoot said he could not remember
the address of the estate, the name of the estate's
resident or the name of the fellow-policeman who
got him the job. His testimony on the location of
the estate is conflicting.
Stolen License Plates - Tools of the Trade
It is a well-known fact that tools of a crime
often involve the use of a stolen vehicle and/or
stolen license plates. At least three incidents
involving automobiles in the vicinity of the JFK
assassination and the Tippit murder site were
reported to authorities . on November 22. Each of
these reports indicate that the cars were using
stolen license plates. Authorities thought these
incidents not unusual and initiated no further
Stolen Plate At the Tippit Scene
The first incident involved a radio trans-
mission from the Dallas County Sheriff's office at
2:33 p.m., two hours after the assassination,
issuing a pick-up order for a 1957 Chevrolet sedan
bearing license number NA 4445 for investigation
of carrying a concealed weapon.17The car had last
been seen in the vicinity of Tenth and Jefferson in
As well as can be determined from his
statements, Olsen was on Eighth Street five or six
blocks from R. L. Thornton Expressway. The
Eighth Street location is important because it was
in patrolman J. D. Tippit's patrol area and Tippit's
last radio transmission was from Eighth and
Lancaster; Commission counsel Arlen Specter
failed to ask Olsen if he had seen his fellow-
policeman that afternoon. From the deduced
location, the elevation is such that Olsen could
have seen Oswald on any one of five streets* if the
alleged assassin traveled as the Commission said he
did. Again, Olsen was not asked if he had seen
Oswald or a man resembling him.
The testimony of Harry Olsen reflects a
nervous man who is unsure of the answers he gives;
his is the testimony of a man who may be trying to
hide something. Olsen's. background and activitiy
on November 22 should have been thoroughly
scrutinized by the Commission and its in-
* Patton, Denver, Lake Cliff, Starr and Lansing Streets.
** CD 147—The Long Distance Telephone calls of Harry
Olsen—remains classified and away from public view in the
National Archives. Who was he calling that required such
Dispatcher (P.'JLSE and MC DANIEL) Attention all squads in Oa Oak Cliff
area - pick up for investigation
of a CCW (carrying a conco.lcd
wo‹,in), the occupants of a L:57
Chevrolet sedan bearing Licen:a
CONWASSION EXHIBIT No. 1974
the Oak Cliff section of Dallas (Tippit was slain at
Tenth and Patton). The car bearing this license
number was registered to Cecil U. Petty of Dallas;
he was never investigated by proper authorities.
An interview of Petty by the author revealed that
Petty sold the car to Walter Wilson Motors located
at Ross and Olive in Dallas, prior to September,
1963. A check of 1963 Texas License receipts
revealed that License number NA4445 was replaced
by a new tag on September 17, 1963, two months
before the assassination. This is an indication that
License number NA4445 was stolen prior to the
assassination and used on an automobile involved
in the Tippit murder. It is interesting to note that
the car in the photograph of General Walker's
house—the photo in which the car's license plate
was obliterated—is a 1957 Chevrolet. Walker had
close ties to anti-Castro Cuban exiles, having been
retained by the CIA to train exiles for an invasion
of Cuba after the Bay of Pigs fiasco.18
• -ry I" 1TX
9 6 3 Ti
0060 4.i.:14 0006 ! irft a$ffi
Celli Iil.411401 . 54.1 •• _
. *P&P t
TEXAS .iiC,WWAY OSPWAINNT14.
MOO Ceotl V. Petty
• it. •
PASSENGER CAll UMW .R ICO/4 I*111 4445 si
2336 lorecurt St.
•• , .1. Ia. ‘.• ,•••n••••• M.
Chi. 4/er sod VB 'X, 144674
3'/ ,, .4
se i •
Receipts for Texas License #NA4445; note date of replacement:
Stolen Plate From Georgia
A second radio transmission between 1:54
p.m. and 2:11 p.m. on November 22 advised that
someone reported that a 1963 red Chevrolet Impala,
which had been parked for three or four days
near Harry Hines Circle in Dallas, had just left that
location traveling north on Harry Hines at a high
Carrollton PD called Public service
and said somec.7.6 had reported a 1963
Ch.:.v Impala, bearing Georgia license
52J1033 had been pared for 3 or 4
days near HazTy Hines circle reported
1' ozation traveling North
cn Harry Hines at high rate of speed,
FL,d, '63 Chev. Impala. All we have at
COMMISSION EXIIIBIT 705
rate of speed.19 It so happens that the license
plates on this particular car—Georgia License
#52J1033—were registered to J. C. Bradley of Twin
City, Georgia for a 1960 four door Chevrolet. In
May 1964 Bradley told the FBI that these license
plates had been stolen in September, 1963 —two
months before the assassination.20
Significant in itself, this incident becomes
even more so when one finds that a red convertible
with Florida license plates was seen enroute to
Oklahoma from Florida prior to the assassination.
An identical auto had been used in a Maimi parade
by the Fair Play For Cuba Committee and was
stoned by a group of anti-Castro Cubans.21 It
should be noted that a car going from Florida to
L Oklahoma would probably go through Georgia.
A man strongly resembling Lee Harvey
Oswald was seen in Sulpher, Oklahoma five days
before the assassination; with him was Manuel
Rodriguez, known as being violently anti-Kennedy
and anti-Castro.22 He was president of the Dallas
unit of an anti-Castro group which conducted biweekly
meetings at 3126 Harlendale in Dallas. This
group, whose goal was the ousting of Castro, called
itself the Second National Front of the Escambrey
— Operation Alpha 66—People's
Revolutionary Movement (SNFE-Alpha 66-PRM).
On November 22 Deputy Sheriff Buddy Walthers
submitted a report stating that Oswald had attended
meetings at the Harlendale address.23 The
Cubans staying there evacuated the premises
sometime between November 15 and November 23,
This takes on even more significance when one
finds that on November 21, 1963 one of the
members of the Alpha 66 group was heard making
these remarks: "We now have plenty of money—
our new backers are Jews—as soon as we (or they)
take care of Kennedy. . . ."25
"Borrowed" License Plate?
The third report is that of a witness who saw a
red car on the parking lot of a restaurant at 110 W.
Davis in Oak Cliff, several blocks from Oswald's
Beckley Street rooming house. The witness said he
saw a man he identified as Oswald sitting in the
car, which he later stated was a 1961 red Ford
Falcon. "Oswald" sat in the car for sometime
before suddenly leaving and proceeding west on
Davis Street at a high rate of speed. The witness
wrote down the license number: Texas PP4537; a
license check revealed that the car was registered to
Carl A. Mather of Dallas. When the FBI finally
checked for itself on December 14, it found that
License #PP4537 was on a light blue over medium
blue 1957 Plymouth. Mather was a close friend of
the J. D. Tippit family and was in the Tippit home
the afternoon of the policeman's murder.26
TEXAS ht,:.: nWAY DEPART PoENT
Photographs of mystery man taken outside the Soviet Em-
bassy in Mexico City, September, 1963. According to the CIA
this man identified himself as Lee Oswald. Obviously it is not
The Mexico "Oswald"
In late September, 1963 Lee Harvey Oswald
journeyed by bus to Mexico City, apparently
seeking a visa for travel to Cuba.36He is known to
have visited the Cuban and Soviet Embassies, both
of which were under constant CIA photographic
surveillance. On October 1, 1963, as always,
photographs were secretly taken of everyone en-
tering and exiting the Russian Embassy. Ten days
later the CIA forwarded the following teletype
message to the Washington offices of the FBI, the
Navy and the State Department:
1. On 1 October 1963 a reliable and
sensitive source in Mexico reported that an
American male, who identified himself as Lee
Oswald, * contacted the Soviet Embassy
in Mexico City inquiring whether the Em-
bassy had received any news concerning a
telegram which had been sent to
Washington. The American was described as
approximately 35 years old, with an athletic
build, about six feet tall, with a receding
2. It is believed that Oswald may be
identical to Lee Henry Oswald, born on 18
October, 1939 in New Orleans, Louisiana. A
former Marine who defected to the Soviet
Union in October 1959 and later made
arrangement through the United States
Embassy in Moscow to return to the United
* Emphasis added.
the man who would later be accused of killing President
Kennedy. Intelligence and law enforcement officials identify the
subject as a known killer for hire.
States with his Russian-born wife, Marina
Nikolaevna Pusakova (sic), and their child.
3. The information in paragraph one is
being disseminated to your representatives
in Mexico City. Any further information
received on this subject will be furnished
you. This information is being made
available to the Immigration and
The physical description of the man-35 years
old, six feet tall, athletic build—in no way matched
Oswald, who was 23 years old, 5' 9" and had a
The Agency apparently noticed the
discrepancy and two weeks later asked the Navy to
immediately send its two most recent photographs
of the young defector so it could forward the pic-
tures to Mexico City for comparison with the
photos taken of the man at the Embassy. The day
of the assassination the CIA sent pictures of the
Mexico "Oswald" to the FBI, and it was very
obvious that the man in question, whoever he
might be, was not Lee Harvey Oswald. Authorities
were concerned enough about the mystery man to
show his photo to Oswald's mother on November
23; she told them she had never seen the man
The CIA admitted there had been a "mix-up"
but that was its last word on the photograph that
became CE 237,39It never submitted the real
pictures of the real Oswald—if there were such
photos—nor did it ever identify the man claiming
to be Oswald.
Unfollowed Leads 108
Bay of Pigs, and some Cubans should have done
that. And he said, 'It is so easy to do it.'" The
Latin added that Oswald was a former Marine and
an excellent shot.47
The September 25 and 26 incidents involving
an "Oswald" in Austin, Houston and Dallas could
not have been the real Oswald. At that time, ac-
cording to the Warren Commission, he was on a
bus going to Mexico City.48Who, then, was using
Because Mrs. Odio was such a credible wit-
ness, the Commission asked the FBI to follow up
on her report. In a September 21, 1964 letter to
Commission counsel J. Lee Rankin—three days
before the Warren Report was handed to President
Johnson—J. Edgar Hoover passed along this
information regarding the Odio story:
"On September 16, 1964, we located one
Loran Eugene Hall at Johnsondale,
California. Hall has been identified as a
participant in numerous anti-Castro ac-
tivities. He advised that in September, 1963,
he was at Dallas, Texas, soliciting aid in
connection with an anti-Castro cause. He
recalled meeting a Cuban woman, Mrs. Odio,
Loran Eugene Hall
who lived in a garden-type apartment at 1080
Magellan Circle, Dallas, Texas. He said that
at the time of his visit he was accompanied
by Lawrence Howard, a Mexican-American
from East Los Angeles and William Seymour
from Arizona. He denied that Lee Harvey
Oswald was with him during his visit to Mrs.
Odio's apartment in September, 1963.
"Hall stated that William Seymour is
similar in appearance to Lee Harvey Oswald
and that Seymour speaks only a few words of
Spanish. In connection with the revelations
of Hall, you will note that the name Loran
Hall bears some resemblance to the name
With that, the Commission hastily concluded
that Mrs. Odio was mistaken, and let the matter
Unbeknownst to the Commission, however,
that conclusion had been shattered six days before
the Report was released, when Hall, admitting that
he had never met Sylvia Odio, retracted the story
he had told the FBI.*
Bear in mind that the letter from J. Edgar
Hoover was dated and carried to the Commission
on the 21st day of September, 1964. Yet on Sep-
tember 20, 1964, the day before Hoover's let-
ter was prepared, the FBI had in its posses-
sion a later report wherein Loran Hall stated
unequivocally that he had had no contact with Mrs.
Sylvia Odio.54In addition, William Seymour, one
of the men mentioned in the Hoover letter of the
21st as having been with Hall in Dallas, stated to
the FBI that Sylvia Odio was unknown to him.
This statement was made to the FBI on September
Also, on September 21st, the FBI had in its
possession a statement, dated the day before, from
Lawrence John Howard, the third member of the
Hall group, stating that he had had no contact with
a Cuban woman named Odio at an apartment in
Dallas when he accompanied Hall and Seymour to
Dallas in September, 1963.56
Thus, the Director of the FBI deliberately
* Loran Eugene Hall later became a key figure in DA Jim
Garrison's investigation, after Hall said he had attended
meetings in California at which the murder of President
Kennedy was discussed.50Expelled from Cuba in 1959 after
fighting alongside Castro during the overthrow of the Batista
regime, Hall became involved in anti-Castro activity in the U.
S.51By 1975 at least one former-CIA operative and several
researchers had named Hall as one of the gunmen firing at
President Kennedy in Dealey Plaza.52Reportedly, on July 11,
1975, he fled the United States—first to Mexico, then
Rhodesia—after becoming alarmed of reports linking him to the
actual shooting of JFK. 53
William Seymour: an Oswald impersonator? Lawrence J. Howard
omitted these statements from his false report to
the Commission on September 21.
After Hoover's letter of the 21st containing the
false information was submitted to the Com-
mission, he had six days before the Commission
made its report on the 27th in which to make the
correction. This he chose not to do. He chose in-
stead to quietly slip the refuting document into the
National Archives under the date of October 2,
1964, which was some five days after the Com-
mission report had been released under full
coverage from all the news media of the United
States. The October 2 document refuting the key
testimony lay quietly unnoticed in the National
On October 4, after Oswald had returned from
Mexico, the manager of radio station KPOY in
Alice, Texas said Oswald filled out an application
for employment. This Oswald was accompanied by
his wife and a child and drove a beat-up 1953
automobile.57The problem here is that Lee Harvey
Oswald did not know how to drive an automobile.58
Three weeks before the assassination, ap-
pearances by "Oswald" began to increase. On the
6th or 7th of November an Oswald entered a fur-
niture store in Irving looking for a "plunger" (a
firing pin) for a rifle; a gun dealer had once occupied
the location of the furniture store. The young man,
then went to his car, got his wife and two infants,
and began looking at furniture. The store owners
later identified the couple as Lee and Marina
Oswald. The "Oswalds" left after asking the man
for directions to another gun shop.59
The day after the assassination a clerk at the
Irving Sports Shop went through his receipts and
found a ticket with the name "Oswald" on it. This
Oswald had three holes drilled in a rifle so he could
mount a telescopic sight. He was not the real
Oswald, we are told, because his Mannlicher-
Carcano had only two holes and they had already
been drilled when he received the gun by mail.66
There is no evidence that he owned a second rifle. A
check by the FBI of all persons in the Dallas-Fort
Worth area named Oswald revealed that none had
recently had work done on a gun.
On November 8 a man came to an Irving
grocery store wanting to cash a check for $189.00,
payable to "Harvey Oswald."61That same day a
TERMINA 2 NEW COU TY
ANNEX COURTHO E
(UNDER CO ST
BOO BOO FEE
barber up the street from this same grocery store
saw a man he thought was Oswald accompanied by
a 14-year old boy; both sat in the barber shop and
made leftist remarks.62
The next day a man entered the showroom of
Downtown Lincoln-Mercury,* introduced himself
as Lee Oswald and told salesman Albert Bogard
that he wanted to buy a used car.
With Bogard as his passenger, "Oswald" test
drove a car on Stemmons Freeway, hitting speeds
over 75 miles per hour. Upon returning to the
showroom "Oswald" told Bogard he did not have
enough money for a down payment but said he
would be coming into "a lot of money in the next
two or three weeks." He told the credit manager
that if financing could not be arranged he might
"go back to Russia where they treat workers like
* This is the car dealership at which suspect Jack Lawrence
(previous chapter) was employed during his brief stay in Dallas.
Again the Warren Commission tells us that
this was not the real Oswald. As stated earlier, the
real Oswald did not drive, and on this date the
Commission placed him in Irving writing a letter to
the Soviet Embassy in Washington.65Yet Bogard*
passed a lie detector test about the indicent and his
co-workers corroborated his story.86
That night and subsequent nights several
persons reported seeing Oswald practicing with a
rifle at Dallas' Sports Drome Range and at a rifle
range in Irving. Unlike his true counterpart, this
Oswald was an excellent shot, and he was loud and
obnoxious. He attracted attention to himself by
shooting at other firers' targets and by using
unusual types of weapons, including one that
issued a ball of flame each time it was fired.68
* Bogard, 41, was found dead in his car in a Hallsville,
Louisiana cemetery on February 14, 1966. A hose had been
connected to the exhaust and the other end inside the car with
windows up; the ruling was suicide.67
Downtown Lincoln Mercury, where Albert Bogard encountered
a man posing as Oswald, is located a short distance west of
Dealey Plaza. Between the two is Stemmons Freeway—where
Bogard and "Oswald" took a car for a test drive. Downtown
Lincoln Mercury, which supplied some of the cars for the fateful
Presidential motorcade, is where suspect Jack Lawrence was
employed fora month.It will be recalled that 30 minutes after the
assassination Lawrence, muddy and sweating profusely, came
running into the dealership and was overcome by nausea. His
abandoned vehicle was later found parked behind the wooden
fence on the grassy knoll. That afternoon an abandoned
overcoat was found near Industrial Boulevard between the auto
agency and the assassination site.
On October 6 Mrs. Lovell Penn, a school
teacher who lived on a farm near Cedar Hill, Texas
(15 miles south of Dallas), heard someone firing a
high-caliber weapon in her pasture. She observed
three men in the pasture, and fearing they might
shoot her cattle, went out to speak with them.
She asked one of the men if they had per-
mission to hunt or shoot on her property; the man
asked her why she had to ask such a question. Mrs.
Penn expressed her concern for the safety of her
cattle and the man with the rifle—she said it was
Lee Oswald—became angry and made several
nasty remarks; he was told by one of his com-
panions to keep quiet. The men left after she
threatened to call the police.69
The teacher seemed certain that Oswald was
the man with the rifle, and she said that one of the
men was Latin or Cuban. Mrs. Penn related that
they were driving a 1957 black and white
Chevrolet. As we have seen earlier in this chapter, a
1957 Chevrolet may figure prominently in events
leading up to the assassination of President
Kennedy. She reported the license number to the
Sheriff's department and was subsequently told by
a member of that agency that it had been linked
with Lee Harvey Oswald."
Mrs. Penn later turned over to the FBI a
6.5mm Mannlicher-Carcano cartridge case. The
Bureau determined that it could not have been fired
from the Oswald rifle.71
Two days before the assassination, three men
spoke to Wayne January, manager of Dallas' Red
Bird Airport, about renting a plane to fly to the
Yucatan Peninsula on the afternoon of November
22. January told the FBI that he spoke to two of
the men while the third—whom he believed was
Oswald— remained in the trio's automobile.
January refused to rent them a plane, suspecting
they might hijack it to Cuba." As noted in the
previous chapter, a private plane with engines
running was seized by federal authorities on
November 22 and placed in a hangar with tight
In addition to these, in 1975 the authors of this
book discovered a man who encountered still
another Oswald the week of the assassination. The
man, W. M. Hannie of Cleburne, Texas, never told
his story to local or federal authorities.
Hannie, now 73, was an ironworker in 1963,
working in Santa Fe, New Mexico. On November
18 he was in Juarez, Mexico, preparing to go to
Fort Worth to undergo medical treatment for an
on-the-job injury. A bartender asked Hannie if he
would mind giving a ride to a young man named
Oswald. Hannie agreed, providing the man would
drive, since Hannie was using medication.
Enroute to Fort Worth, "Oswald" told Hannie
that he had been in Mexico City to "straighten up
some business with the government" concerning
his discharge from the Marines. "Oswald" spoke at
length about his two children, said he had to find a
better job in order to support them and remarked
that he wanted to leave Dallas because his wife was
having an affair with a policeman. He told Hannie
that he wasn't making enough money at "the book
company" and that he was tired of cleaning "Jack
Ruby's honky-tonk." Hannie told us "Oswald"
used the telephone at almost every stop they made.
Arriving in Fort Worth early Wednesday
morning, November 20, "Oswald" asked to be
dropped off at a theatre on Camp Bowie Boulevard,
saying that his mother lived only a couple of blocks
away. (At this time Mrs. Marguerite Oswald,
mother of the accused assassin, lived on Thomas
Place a short distance from the Theatre.)
Two days later Hannie was in St. Joseph
Hospital, watching the events in Dallas unfold on
television when he saw the man charged with
murdering John F. Kennedy. He was the same man
Hannie had driven with from Juarez, Mexico."
Oswald's time records at the Texas School
Book Depository show that he was not absent that
week (or at any time during his brief period of
employment there) and we feel that the man
Hannie encountered could not have been the real
Oswald. Yet whoever he was, the man knew
certain details of the patsy's life that few persons
could know: his Marine discharge; his doting
fondness for his children; his employment at a
"book company" and the location of Marguerite
About two weeks before the assassination a
man who looked exactly like Oswald inquired about
a job as a parking attendant at the Southland Hotel
Garage (Allright Parking Systems) on Commerce
Street, less than a block from Jack Ruby's Carousel
Club. Hubert Morrow, the day manager, wrote the
man's name on a piece of paper, recording it as
"Lee Harvey Osborn"; the individual quickly
corrected him by saying, "No, my name is
According to Morrow, "Oswald" asked how
tall the building was and if it had a good view of
Who was the man or men encountered by
Morrow, Hannie and others?
The incidents were written off by the Corn-
mission as cases of mistaken identity, even though
Unfollowed Leads 112
most of the witnesses were found to be credible and
with no reason to lie. Couple these incidents with
the fake photographs of the accused assassin
holding the alleged murder weapon (chapter 2), and
it becomes quite clear that someone was at-
tempting to set Oswald up for the crime of the
century. The impersonator(s) left the image of a
man who was loud and arrogant; had been to
Russia; would soon come into a large sum of money
and who displayed expert marksmanship while
practicing at local rifle ranges. In short, he or they
left the image of a man who, after the
assassination, would be recalled by those who had
been in contact with him as a man who could and
would murder the President of the United States]
Witnesses Topple - Business As Usual
In the ten-month period (January-September
1964) between the initiation of the Warren Com-
mission's investigation and the issuance of its final
report, eight persons directly or indirectly con-
nected with the events of November 22, died. Still
another was the victim of attempted murder but
survived a bullet in the head. Seven of the eight
deaths were unnatural: three shootings, one karate
chop, one suicide by hanging, another by a self-
inflicted gunshot wound and one cut throat.
The case of Warren Reynolds, who survived a
gunshot wound in the head, was brought to the
attention of the Commission by critic Mark Lane.
Reynolds was a witness in the Tippit shooting; he
had followed the policeman's killer for one block
and was unable to identify the fleeing man as Lee
Oswald. On January 23, 1964, two days after he
was interviewed by the FBI, Reynolds was shot
through the head with a rifle in the basement of the
used car lot office where he worked; he was not
robbed of money or possessions, and the unknown
The prime suspect in the attack, Darrell
Wayne Garner, was released after an alibi was
provided by Betty Mooney MacDonald (aka Nancy
Mooney), a former stripper for Jack Ruby. One
week after springing Garner, Miss MacDonald was
arrested for fighting with her roommate. She was
placed alone in a cell and two hours later, according
to the Dallas Police, Miss MacDonald hanged
herself to death with her toreador pants.76 The
police failed to inform the Warren Commission
and/or the FBI about the Reynolds-Garner-
As for Reynolds, he miraculously recovered
from the wound in his temple and testified before
the Commission six months after the attempt on
his life, stating that he believed there was a con-
nection between the attack on him and the fact that
he was a witness to the flight of Tippit's killer .77
Whereas in January, 1964 he had told the FBI that
he could not identify the fleeing suspect as Oswald,
Reynolds in July, 1964 was able to state rather
readily that Oswald, after all, was the man he had
Utilizing its typical dishonest means, the
Commission seized on the opportunity and stated
very matter-of-factly: "Reynolds did not make a
positive identification when interviewed by the
FBI, but he subsequently testified before a
Commission staff member and, when shown two
photographs of Oswald, stated that they were
photographs of the man he saw."82In reporting
this change of heart the Commission did not
mention Reynolds' brush with death until nearly
500 pages later. Nor did they mention that after
January 23, 1964, Reynolds was a terrified man
who feared for himself and his family.
Others, less fortunate that Reynolds, who died
during the tenure of the Commission were:
Edward Beneuides, brother of Domingo
Benevides who was a witness to the Tippit
murder and gave a description of the killer
that in no way matched Lee Oswald. Edward
was shot to death in a bar three months after
the assassination in what Domingo and his
* Prior to testifying to the Commission, Reynolds consulted
with General Walker, who befriended the young car salesman
after he was shot at.78It is interesting that this pair—both
targets of snipers' attempts—became such good friends after
the assassination. On the evening of April 10, 1963, Walker was
sitting at a desk in his Dallas home when someone fired a shot
through a window, barely missing the general's head. The
shooting remained unsolved until December of that year, when
recently-deceased Lee Harvey Oswald became a convenient
scapegoat for the incident. The Commission subsequently
decided that by trying to kill Walker, Oswald was "demon-
strating once again his propensity to act dramatically and, in
this instance violently, in furtherance of his beliefs."79
On April 11, 1963 it was apparent that the bullet recovered
from Walker's wall came from a 30.06 rifle.80By the time the
Warren Report was issued, though, the bullet had made the
transformation into a 6.5 caliber bullet from a weapon like that
allegedly owned by Oswald.81
father-in-law both believe was a case of
mistaken identity. Afterward Domingo, like
Warren Reynolds, decided that he had in fact
seen Oswald fleeing the Tippit murder site.83
Hank Killam, whose wife worked for Jack
Ruby, died of a cut throat in Pensacola,
Florida four months after the assassination.
Police said the death was suicide and the
coroner ruled accidental death; newspapers
said he had either jumped or fallen through a
plate glass window. Killam was also an
acquaintance of John Carter, who lived in the
same rooming house with Oswald and dated
one of Ruby's employees.84
Bill Hunter, 35, a California newspaper
reporter, was shot to death by a police officer
in the basement of the Long Beach,
California police station. Authorities ruled
the death accidental. Several hours after
Ruby shot Oswald, Hunter attended a
meeting with Ruby's roommate, George
Senator, in Ruby's apartment. Three men
who met with Senator that evening later
Jim Koethe, 30 a reporter for the Dallas
Times Herald, was found dead in his
apartment in September, 1964. The victim of
a karate chop to the throat, his murder
4045remains unsolved. Koethe also was present
at the meeting in Ruby's apartment on the
evening of November 24, 1963. At the time of
his death Koethe was working on a book
about the assassination; two notebooks
containing material for that book were
missing from his personal effects.86
Teresa Norton, a dancer at Ruby's
Carousel Club, was found shot to death in a
Dallas motel in August, 1964.87
Gary Underhill, 48, a one-time CIA
contract employee, was found shot to death
in Washington, D.C. on May 8, 1964. His
death was ruled a suicide but he was right-
handed and was shot through the head from
left to right. Shortly before he died Underhill
told friends that he knew the CIA was
responsible for the Kennedy assassination
and that he feared for his life.88
The Warren Commission did not investigate
any of these strange deaths, which continued to
occur long after the Commission disbanded.
By early 1967 no less than 18 material wit-
nesses—persons who could have been called to
testify had Oswald lived to stand trial—had
perished. Of the 18, five died of natural causes and
13 were the victims of accident, suicide or murder.
There were six murders, one manslaughter, two
suicides, three motor vehicle accidents and
Killam's fall through a plate glass window (ac-
cident, murder or suicide?) The unnatural causes
constitute 71.5 per cent of the tota1.89
An actuary engaged by the London Sunday
Times computed the life expectancy of 15 of the
deceased witnesses and concluded that on
November 22, 1963, the odds against all 15 being
dead by February, 1967, were one hundred
thousand trillion to one (100,000,000,000,000,000
Penn Jones, Jr., who first noticed and began
recording the untimely demise of witnesses, had
recorded more than 50 deaths by the end of 1975.91
The curse, it would seem, is not limited to the
Kennedys . . . .
Conclusion: The Warren Commission is Guilty of
If the Commission and its staff bothered to
read the reports submitted by the FBI and other
investigative agencies, they knew that too many
strange things were happening before, during and
after the assassination. Reasonable men seeking a
truthful solution would easily recognize the signs of
an elaborate conspiracy at work: stolen license
plates near the scenes of the Kennedy and Tippit
murders; Secret Service agents appearing where no
Secret Service personnel could be; Lee Harvey
Oswald appearing where the real Oswald could not
be; the apparent impersonation of the patsy-to-be
by a killer-for-hire; possible links between Oswald,
the Dallas Police and the murder of JFK; the
demise of potential witnesses directly and in-
directly connected with the events of November 22,
The Commission's apathy in its solemn and
sacred duty to thoroughly and objectively in-
vestigate the murder of the President is inex-
cusable. The kindest thing that can be said about
the men who so blatantly shunned the respon-
sibility given them is that they are guilty of
malfeasance. History will someday judge them to
be the cowards and criminals that they are.
Unfollowed Leads 114
NOTES - CHAPTER FIVE
1. VI H 312. 48. Report, p. 412.
2. VII H 535. 49. XXVI H 834, 835.
3. Ibid, p. 107. 50. The National Tattler (Moulder - "These Men Killed Pres.
4. Interview of Roger Craig by Gary Shaw and Penn Jones. John Kennedy"), 7-13-75.
5. Report, p. 52. 51. Ibid.
6. VI H 443, 444. 52. Ibid.
7. CE 2249; VII H 45. 53. Ibid (Special issue), 9-75.
8. VII H 46, 54, 57; XVII H 442; XXI H 397; XXIII H 875, 54. CD 1553.
877. 55. Ibid.
9. Ibid. 56. Ibid.
10. Jones, Penn -Forgive My Grief II, p. 113. 57. Report, p. 666.
11. Ibid, Vol. I, p. 175. 58. Ibid.
12. Manchester, William -The Death of a President, p. 287. 59. XXII H 524, 534-36, 546-49.
13. Jones -op. cit. (Vol. I), pp. 96-97. 60. XXII H 525, 531; XI H 224-240, 245-253.
16. Aid, pp. 85-91. 61. XVI H 178, 179; X H 327.340.
17. XXIII H 888. 62. X H 309-327.
18. Authors' files (Letter to Penn Jones from Ronald 63. Ibid, p. 353.
Augustinovich). 64. XXVI H 685.
19. CD 1245, p. 185. 65. Report, p. 321.
20. Ibid, -. 186. 66. Ibid, p. 577.
21. Authors' files. 67. Jones -op. cit. (Vol. II), p. 37.
22. CD 1085u. 68. Report, pp. 318, 319.
23. XIX H 534. 69. CE 2944.
24. Ibid. 70. Interview of Mrs. Lovell Penn by Penn Jones, 6-26-75.
25. CE 2959. 71. CD 205, p. 182.
26. CD 205, pp. 373-375. 72. Popkin, Richard -The Second Oswald, p. 92.
27. VIII H 307. 73. Interview of W. M. Hannie by Gary Shaw and Larry.
28. Report, p. 609. Harris, 7-29-75.
29. CE 3099; XXVI H 715.
30. Report, p. 386; Coleman-Slawson memo to J. Lee Rankin. 74. CD 385, pp. 138-148.
31. CD 75. 75. Jones -op. cit. (Vol. II), pp. 3, 4.
32. Report, pp. 689-690; CE 1150. 76. Ibid, pp. 4-6.
33. Report, p. 240. 77. XI H 438, 439.
34. Ibid, pp. 393-394. 78. XI H 440, 441.
35. Ibid, p. 712. 79. Report, p. 412.
36. Ibid, p. 413. 80. Dallas Morning News, 4-11-63.
37. CD 631. 81. Report, p. 562.
38. Esquire magazine (article by Edward Epstein), 12.66. 82. Ibid, p. 171.
39. I H 151, 153. 83. Jones -op. cit. (Vol. II), -. 19.
40. U.S. News & World Report, 6-92-75. 84. Ibid, p. 2.
41. CD 244B. 85. Ibid (Vol. I), p. 6.
42. Rolling Stone, 4-24-75. 86. Ibid (Vol. II), pp. 8, 13.
43. XXIV H 729.734; Report, p. 386. 87. Meagher, Sylvia -Accessories After the Fact, p. 229.
44. Ibid. 88. Jones -op. cit. (Vol. II), pp. 298-302.
45. Ibid, p. 726; XXV H 4, 5. 89. Meagher -op. cit., pp. 298-302.
46. XI H 371. 90. Ibid, p. 302.
47. Ibid, p. 372. 91. Conversation with Penn Jones, 01-10-76.
PUBLIC EXECUTION IN THE UNITED STATES
DALLAS, TEXAS-NOVEMBER 22, 1963
The subtitle of this book is "The Govern-
mental Conspiracy to Conceal the Facts About the
Public Execution of John F. Kennedy." Perhaps
that sounds somewhat radical to most readers but
because of the manner in which President Kennedy
was slain and because of the nature of the force we
believe was responsible for his death, we feel the
assassination was, in effect, a public execution.
For many years governments believed that
public executions were necessary to achieve the
greatest retributive and deterrent effects, and these
executions and other forms of punishment were
devised as great public spectacles. Moral
arguments aside, the fact remains that capital
punishment, carried out in full view of the public,
was seen as a deterrent to wrongdoing. For decades
public executions in America, generally by
hanging, were popular events; they were attended
by families who had traveled many miles to witness
the spectacle of a fellow human being losing his life.
The popularity of such affairs is evident in a
photograph taken at the last hanging in Denton
County, Texas in 1895. The photo shows a large
crowd of men, women and children — dressed in
their best Sunday clothing and some carrying
picnic lunches—gathered to witness the hanging.
Another example is the last known public execution
in the United States, a hanging in Owensboro,
Kentucky in August, 1936. A news service
photograph taken moments after the "drop" shows
some 20,000 persons packed around the gallows,
with the dead man dangling at the end of the rope. I
In our opinion, a form of public execution—the
political assassination—was brought back to use in
the 1960's. A number of sophisticated methods of
inflicting death were available to the force we
believe ordered and carried out the assassination of
John Kennedy. His death could have been made to
appear natural (a "heart attack") or accidental (by
drowning in the White House swimming pool). Had
they merely wanted to remove him from office, they
could have done so by disclosing to the public,
details of the President's abundant sexual activity.
J. Edgar Hoover and others were aware of JFK's
extramarital affairs with a horde of young women,2
and by making these facts publicly known, could
have driven the President from office in disgrace.
But rather than killing him covertly, black-
mailing him, or ridding him by scandal, what
happened? He was brutally murdered in full view of
hundreds of spectators, including his wife and the
Vice-President. In the middle of the day they blew
his brains out on the streets of downtown Dallas.
Why? There must have been a reason.
We believe the assassination was carried out in
this manner for the same reason criminals of the
past were executed in public:
(1) To prohibit the criminal from com-
mitting further crimes ;
(2) To deter others from following his
The latter is all-important, for every President or
aspirant to that office cannot help but see, hear and
remember the events of November 22, 1963. Like
most of the citizens of this nation, they realize the
assassination was not the deed of a lone nut. Most
of them are able to recognize that responsibility for
the act lies with a force far greater than can be
imagined by the average citizen. As Colonel L.
Fletcher Prouty, U. S. Air Force, Retired, has
"And when those rifles crackled over Dealey
Plaza in Dallas, Texas on November 22, 1963
and John F. Kennedy's brain was splattered
across the road, they had made their move
into the big time. They took over control of
the President and of the Presidency. The
man they killed was no longer a problem and
they had made certain that his successor,
Lyndon Johnson, heard and remembered the
sound of those guns. It is the sound of those
guns in Dallas, and their ever-present threat,
which is the real mechanism of control over
the American government."3(Identification
of "They" is the subject of the next chapter.)
The assassination of John Kennedy was a
carefully-planned, professionally-executed opera-
tion. It was not, as our government tells us, the
almost accidental, unpremeditated act of a lone,
uneducated, unloved, misunderstood nut. This we
will attempt to show in this chapter. In doing so,
we realize that many before us have traveled this
road and have become immeshed in the maze of
altered, suppressed and mutilated misinformation
provided us by the Warren Commission.
In the next few pages we shall try to portray,
shot by shot, the sequence, point of origin and
effect of each bullet fired in Dealey Plaza that day.
The evidence cited for each shot is based on what
we consider the best evidence: the film taken by
Abraham Zapruder; the early statements of
eyewitnesses; the description of the wounds as
related by the Parkland Hospital staff;
photographs taken during the shooting; the early
evidence acquired by Dallas authorities.
The reconstructed assassination scenario we
present here completely ignores the latest medical
findings and conclusions of experts or so-called
experts who have been allowed access to the
President's autopsy photographs and X-rays. This
evidence is omitted for the following reasons:
(1) The early eyewitness accounts of the
Parkland Hospital staff are far more credible
than the report based on the military-
controlled autopsy at Bethesda Naval
Hospital. Actions taken by those involved
with the autopsy include:
(a) Failure to probe the President's
(b) Failure to dissect the path of the
wound in the President's throat.
(c) Destruction of a portion of the
photographic record of the autopsy
prior to development.
(d) Failure to dissect the President's
(e) Destruction of the original
(2) The location and source of the wounds
seem to change with each new expert who
examines the long-suppressed medical
(3) Based on the alteration, mutilation,
destruction and suppression of evidence as
seen in previous chapters, we see no reason,
after twelve years, to accept as authentic, the
materials now being produced.
In reality, the only conclusion that can be derived
from the reports of those who have viewed the
autopsy materials is that no conclusion can be
The most graphic evidence detailing the
sequence, direction and effect of the bullets is, of
course, the Zapruder film. When properly
analyzed, this film chronicles the time-lapse
between shots to less than 1/18 of a second. Each
time 18 1/3 frames of film passed through the lens
of Zapruder's home-movie camera, one second
Those who are familiar with the loud and
violent report of a high-powered rifle know of the
involuntary reflex action which occurs each time a
shot is fired. A close study of the 22-second film
reveals that Zapruder reacted convulsively to the
sound of each shot fired during the assassination.
By coordinating the blurred frames of the film—
caused by Zapruder's response to a gunshot—with
the reaction of the victims as they are wounded, an
accurate chronology of the firing sequence can be
The Execution: Dealey Plaza Revisited
As we see it, the execution of President
Kennedy was a precision ambush carried out with
minimum personnel trained for maximum effect.
Its objective was the "termination" or
"neutralization" of the Target, John Fitzgerald
Kennedy. The execution was staged in the Primary
wooden stockade fence) it is probable that each
Gunman was accompanied by a Back-up Man who
could have acted as Radio Liaison, aided in
identifying the Target or assisted the Gunman in
The ambush was paramilitary in design.
Within the Dealey Plaza Kill Area there apparently
were two "Kill Zones." Kill Zone A appears to have
been designated at the fourth set of road stripes
counting westward from the intersection of Elm
and Houston Streets. As the limousine carrying the
Target moved into the Kill Area the Audio
Commander, overlooking the site from a strategic
location, gave the order for the Rifle Teams to
move into position.
As the Presidential limousine approached Kill
Zone A, the Audio Commander signaled for the
firing to commence and a diversionary shot was
fired by the Decoy Assassin in the "Oswald win-
dow." As the Target reached Zone A the Com-
mander ordered the first volley and the Gunmen in
Rifle Team One simultaneously fired one shot each
at the President. #1 Gunman shot from Firing
Point A (the west end of the TSBD roof) and struck
Kennedy in the back. Upon command, #2 Gunman
had moved from his position behind the pergola on
the north side of Elm Street to Firing Point B at
the corner of the low white concrete wall at the
President's right front; his shot struck Kennedy in
Visual Coordinator #1, holding an open um-
brella and standing approximately 15 yards to the
right of the Target, could see that definite lethal
wounds had not been inflicted; he gave a visual
signal to the Central Radio Communicator that
additional shots would be required. The Audio
Commander then advised Rifle Team Two to
prepare to fire; at his command their shots went off
almost simultaneously as the limousine entered Kill
Zone B, the sixth set of road stripes. #3 Gunman at
Firing Point C (the southwest corner window on the
sixth floor of the TSBD) shattered Kennedy's
skull. From Firing Point D (the fence) #4 Gunman
struck the President in the right temple and in-
flicted further, irreparable damage to the Target's
skull and brain.
, At this time, Visual Coordinator #2 relayed the
message to a Radio Liaison Man that the Kill had
* Possibly the assassins, wanting to minimize the number of
bullet fragments which would result from impact on the skull,
intended to sever their target's spinal cord with the first round
of shots. That happened in Memphis in 1968 when the murderer
of Martin Luther King, Jr. fired a bullet into King's lower right
jaw and disjoined the neck from the spinal cord.
been accomplished and evacuation of the Gunmen
and their accomplices should begin.
The entire firing sequence lasted exactly 5.9
At this point the reader has perhaps dismissed
this as merely another conspiracy theory based on
sheer conjecture. This is understandable, in view of
some of the ludicrous theories put forth in the past.
Because our reconstruction is based on concrete
evidence, we believe it to be among the more
plausible scenarios yet put forth. On the following
pages we present a shot-by-shot analysis of our
Dallas Scenario, documenting each shot with what
we believe to be sufficient evidence.
Law enforcement personnel and witnesses assemble in front of
Crowd gathers at entrance of TSBD as police prepare to search
The Execution 120
Dallas, Texas, November 22, 1963, 12:30 p.m. (CST)
Termination or Neutralization of the predesignated Target.
John Fitzgerald Kennedy, President of the United States.
PRIMARY KILL AREA:
Dealey Plaza, western edge of downtown Dallas.
Kill Zone "A": 4th set of road stripes on Elm Street counting westward from
Kill Zone "B": 6th set of road stripes on Elm Street counting westward from
Firing Point A: TSBD roof, west end.
Firing Point B: Low concrete wall on grassy knoll north.
Firing Point C: TSBD sixth floor, southwest corner window.
Firing Point D: Wooden stockade fence, grassy knoll north.
Rifle Team One
each accompanied by a Backup Man
Rifle Team Two
Decoy or False Assassin (firing for diversionary and evidentuary purposes
from TSBD sixth floor, southeast corner window.)
Audio Commander (Central Radio Communicator—stationed at an un-
determined position overlooking the entire Kill Area.)
Visual Coordinator #1
(The Umbrella Man— positioned parallel with Kill
Zone A, 15 yards from Target.)
Visual Coordinator #2 (Positioned on steps leading up grassy knoll, over-
looking Kill Zone B.)
Other members of the Squad apparently included a
tall Latin or Cuban individual who may have acted
as a Visual Coordinator; another Cuban who
participated in the Evacuation & Escape phase of
the operation by driving fellow Squad members
from the Kill Area in a green Rambler station
wagon; an Operative who staged a diversionary act
by simulating an epileptic seizure near the Kill
Area minutes before arrival of the Target.
SHOT NUMBER ONE
This was the first shot.
TSBD, 6th floor southeast
This missile struck the
sidewalk on the north side of
Elm Street 35 feet to the front
and 25 feet to the right of the
Presidential limousine; it
fragmented, riccocheted and
the lead portion went on to
strike the south curb of Main
Street near the triple un-
To divert the attention of
spectators, police and Secret
Service; to give the police
hard evidence leading directly
to the patsy, Lee Harvey
A fragment from the missile
or the curb deflected and
struck bystander James
Tague on the cheek, causing a
—Camera movement at Z-209
caused by Zapruder's in-
voluntary response to the
sound of a gunshot.
* The missiles from the "Oswald rifle" were lead core, copper
jacketed bullets. The mark on the curb near the underpass,
when examined, contained traces of lead but no copper. The
core and jacket were evidently separated upon impact with the Frames 208-211, showing the shake of Zapruder's camera as he
sidewalk. reacts to the sound of a gunshot. Note posts on freeway sign.
Bullet mark on north side of Elm St. sidewalk
Photo by Jeff T. Wallace
Sighting back to TSBD from bullet scar on sidewalk
The Execution 124
believed to be on Channel
Four, in which a mark on the
sidewalk was pointed out.
months ago, he stated he
viewed such mark, which he is
sure was caused by a bullet,
and that this mark is ap-
proximately six inches long.
He described the location of
this mark as being in the
middle of the sidewalk on the
north side of Elm Street,
which side is nearest the
Texas School Book
Depository Building. He
stated there is a lamp post
near the sidewalk, which is
about even with the west end
of the Texas School Book
Depository Building and that
the above-described mark is
approximately eight feet east
of the lamp post on the
sidewalk. He stated that a
reporter for "The Dallas
Morning News," CARL
FREUND, has also stated
this is a bullet mark.
When asked as to why he
had waited until this time to
furnish the foregoing in-
formation, he stated he felt
that such an important point
would be covered in the
report and did not want to
become involved by fur-
nishing the information at
this time, but felt that such
information, if overlooked,
should be made available.5
Mr.Aldredge told Dallas
radio talk-show host Lou
Staples that five days after
making his report to the FBI,
he went to inspect the bullet
mark again and found that
some type of filler substance
had been used to fill the in-
dentation in the pavement.6
This bullet scar on the Elm
Street sidewalk can still be
seen today. It is not men-
tioned in the Warren Report.
James Tague near Triple Underpass just after shots,
Crowds gather in Kill Area ten minutes after killing of President.
Zapruder frames 220-225 show the shake of Zapruder's camera
and Kennedy emerging from behind sign, obviously reacting to
a bullet wound.
Young couple at base of grassy knoll.
SHOT NUMBER THREE
Less than 3/10 of a second.
This shot was almost
simultaneous to shot #2.
Corner of the white 4' wall
which extends from the
pergola on grassy knoll north.
Upon command of the Central
Radio Communicator, #2
Gunman left his pre-strike
position behind the pergola
and walked to Firing Point B
at the corner of the wall; he
was wearing a long, brown
overcoat with a rifle concealed
beneath it. On command #2
Gunman raised his weapon
from under the coat and fired.
He then placed the rifle
beneath his coat, turned and
hastily departed for the
parking area behind the fence.
Struck JFK in the throat,
slightly above the necktie.*
* Determined from the testimony of Parkland Hospital
physician Charles Carrico:
Carrico: All we knew this was a small wound here.
Dulles: I see. And you put your hand right above where
your tie is?
Carrico: Yes, sir; just where the tie—
The holes in the President's tie and in the front of the shirt
contained no traces of metal, but the Commission concluded
that because the cloth fibers protruded outward, the holes had
probably been caused by a missile fired from Oswald's rifle. An
FBI photograph of the shirt, obtained by Harold Weisberg and
published in Post Mortem, clearly shows that the holes are
actually slits, and could not have been caused by an exiting
bullet. The slits were made by a doctor's scalpel when Ken-
nedy's clothing was being removed at Parkland Hospital. This
is just one more example in which the Commission knowingly
lied to the public by presenting a conclusion it knew to be false.
Zapruder frame 228: JFK clutches throat as he receives frontal
behind the fence. She ob-
served " . . . a man up there
running, or getting
away . . . at the top of the
slope." She described the man
as of "average height and of
heavy build" and "wearing a
brown raincoat and a hat."
She said he ran "in the
direction of the railroad
tracks." The man seen at
Firing Point D in the Betzner
and Willis photos appears to
be wearing a hat and dark
coat. Because the man is no
longer there in pictures taken
seconds later, he is quite
likely the same man seen
fleeing by Mrs. Hill., An
abandoned overcoat was
found later that afternoon
under an overpass a short
distance west of Dealey Plaza.
—According to photo expert
Richard Sprague (who has the
largest known collection of
photographs taken in Dallas
on November 22, 1963), a puff
of smoke at the corner of the
wall appears in seven separate
photos taken during the
—An early report out of
Washington which stated
"Pathologists in Washington
speculated Saturday that
President Kennedy's spinal
cord and some vital nerve
tracts near the base of the
brain may have been badly
damaged by the bullet that
killed him Friday."
(DallasMorning News, 11-24-
The first three shots were
fired within a time span of one
second. Considering the
reverberations that would
occur in Dealey Plaza, these
shots could easily have been
mistaken by witnesses as a
Spectators race to knoll area to witness possible capture of
assassin's]. Arrow points to policeman Bobby Hargis.
Zapruder frames 226-231 show shake of Zapruder's camera as
he reacts to gunfire. Z-227 shows violent reaction of JFK as he
grasps his throat.
This Phil Willis photo, taken at approximately Z-198, shows
Kennedy just before he received a bullet in the back. Probable
Gunman is visible behind wall.
• Iv 04,*
Seconds after the shots, Willis took this photo which reveals
that the man behind the wall has disappeared.
The Execution 138
Enlargement showing presence of man behind wall.
Enlargement showing disappearance of the man.
SHOT NUMBER FOUR
The shot which struck
Governor John B. Connally is
the mystery of this Dallas
Scenario. Fired between the
two volleys directed at the
President, the Connally shot
seems to have been unrelated
to that of Kennedy. We
believe that the following
evidence makes it quite clear
that he was not the victim of
an errant bullet; the Kennedy
Gunmen were none but
master marksmen, and they
would not have missed their
Target completely, wounding
another occupant of the
limousine. John Connally was
intentionally shot but
presently we are at a loss to
Photo of Presidential limousine on Main Street, showing
seating arrangement of car's occupants.
Less than 3 4/10 seconds. At Z-274 Connally is still firmly clutching his hat-2.8 seconds
after the Commission says his wrist has been shattered by
Considering the position of
Connally's body at the time of
the shot, and the vertical and
horizontal angles of the path
of the missile through his
body, this shot can be traced
to the roof (southwest corner)
of the County Records
This bullet struck Governor
Connally in the back, just to
the lower right of his right
Connally, still erect, has turned to his right to see what has
Connally is still uninjured in frame 286.
Still erect, the Governor shows no sign of being wounded.
The missile traversed Con-
nally's chest, blasting out
approximately four inches of
the fifth rib and collapsing the
right lung. It exited below the
right nipple and smashed into
his right wrist, with a
fragment deflecting and
embedding itself in his left
—The shake of Zapruder's
—A hit on Governor Connally
at Z-289 is much later than
most critics are willing to
concede; the genefal belief is
that Z-237 or Z-238 is the
moment the Governor is
struck. The conclusion that Z-
289 is the frame of impact. is
based on two things:
(1) Connally's testimony
before the Warren Com-
(2) The movement of his body
in the Zapruder film.
Both correspond exactly and
conclusively with the other.
Let us examine the Gover-
nor's testimony regarding his
We had just made the turn,
well, when I heard what I
though was a shot. I heard
this noise which I im-
mediately took to be a rifle
shot. I instinctively turned to
my right because the sound
appeared to come from over
my right shoulder, so I turned
to look back over my right
shoulder, and I saw nothing
unusual except just people in
the crowd, but I did not catch
the President in the corner of
my eye, and I was interested,
because once I heard the shot
in my own mind I identified it
as rifle shot, and I im-
mediately—the only thought
Connally has completed turn to his right in frame 288. At this
point it is impossible for him to have been struck by a shot
originating in the TSBD, or by a bullet exiting JFK's throat.
Z-289: Impact. Extreme movement of his head from position in
previous frame indicates Connally is struck at this frame.
Z.290: Picture becomes blurred as Zapruder reacts to rifle
that crossed my mind was
that this is an assassination
attempt. So, I looked, failing
to see him, I was turning to
look back over my left
shoulder into the back seat,
but I never got that far in my
turn. I got about in the
position I am in now facing
you, looking a little bit to the
left of center, and then I felt
like someone had hit me in the
back. (Some testimony
omitted) But again I will
repeat very briefly when what
I believe to be the shot first
occurred, I turned to my
right, which was away from
both of them, of course, and
looked out and could see
neither, and then as I was
turning to look into the back
seat where I would have seen
both of them, I was hit, so I
never completed the turn at
all, and I never saw either one
of them after the firing
started, and, of course, as I
have testified, then Mrs.
Connally pulled me over into
her lap and I was facing
forward with my head slightly
turned up to where I could see
the driver and Roy Kellerman
on his right, but I could not
see into the back seat, so I
didn't see either one of them.
The Zapruder film shows
quite clearly that Connally
does exactly that: he turns
completely to his right and
begins the turn back to his left
before showing definite
reaction to a wound. The
belief of most critics that Z-
237 or 238 is the frame of
impact (Connally himself says
Z-234) is based on the puffing
of Connally's cheeks, the
downward movement of his
right shoulder and the
disarrangement of his hair. It
should be noted, though, that
Connally continued the turn Z-291; Connally begins collapse into his wife's arms.
Z-292: The Governor's face comes into focus as he is driven
backward toward his wife.
Z-293: Connally's face registers definite reaction to wound.
Z-294: Connally's mouth is open as he cries, "My God, they're
going to kill us all!"
to his right to look over his
shoulder, as he testified; with
the severity of the wound, it is
extremely unlikely that he
could have completed the turn
and remained upright for 2
8/10 seconds, had he been hit
at that point. There is a
definite reaction to a shot at
Z-289 as Zapruder's camera
again shakes and the
Governor buckles and
collapses into the seat toward
his wife. The position of his
body and the angle of the shot
at Z-289 necessitates a firing
point at the southwest corner
of the roof of the County
Records Building on the
eastern edge of Dealey Plaza.
Sheriff Bill Decker [left] confers
with Sgt. Gerald Hill [right],
It should be pointed out
that as late as Z-275 Connally
is still clutching his Stetson
hat in his right hand, even
though the Warren Report
contends that his right wrist
has been shattered by a bullet
fired at least 2.8 seconds
earlier. That he is still holding
the hat at Z-275 is indicative
that no wound of the wrist has
yet been received. While some
critics suggest tht the wrist
wound was caused by a bullet
or bone fragment from one of
the Kennedy head shots, we
question the ability of a
fragment to inflict that much
damage to the thick bones of
the wrist. Other evidence
—The fact that Connally's
shirt and coat were cleaned
and pressed before being
introduced as evidence before
—A man with a gun is known
to have been on the roof of the
County Records Building
during the assassination.
According to Roger Craig,
Deputy Sheriff Harry
Weatherford was at this
location with a rifle equipped
with a telescopic sight.*1°
The reason for the
Connally shooting remains
clouded. We can only
speculate. Evidence seems to
suggest that the attempted
murder of the Governor may
have been made by elements
of organized crime. * * This
aspect of "Black Friday" is
too complex and too lengthy
to be discussed in this book.
The shootings of both John
Connally and Officer J. D.
Tippit are mysteries in their
own right and merit the same
diligent attention citizen-
investigators and researchers
have accorded the Kennedy
* In view of the fact that Sheriff Bill Decker assembled all his
deputies on the morning of November 22 to inform them that
they were to play no part in Presidential security ,11
Weatherford's presence on the roof with a weapon is curious.
Deputy Sheriff Pat Boyd told Craig that two weeks prior to
the shooting of Kennedy and Connally, he (Boyd) had built a
silencer for a .30 caliber carbine owned by Weatherford.12
Weatherford, of course, was furious with Craig for
divulging his whereabouts at the time of the assassination.
When Craig became a Corporation Court Judge in Midlothian,
Texas, he was told by Weatherford, "If you ever try to arraign
me, there will be a G d gun battle."13
In 1969 a young assassination researcher interviewed
Weatherford, and was taken by the man's savage demeanor. He
asked him point-blank if he had shot Connally or Kennedy.
Weatherford snapped, "You little son of a b----, I shoot a lot of
**The starting point for this possibility is the October 14, 1963
conversation overheard by Dallas attorney Carroll Jarnagin in
Jack Ruby's Carousel Club. Jarnagin said he heard Ruby and a
man using the name H. L. Lee (the lawyer said it was Lee
Oswald) discussing a plan to kill Connally; see chapter 2.
Photo by Jeff T. Wallace
Sighting from Connally's Elm St. position at Z-289 back to
Firing Point atop County Records Bldg.
The gunman's view of the Kill Area from Firing Point on roof of
Records Bldg. Dot shows position of Connally at Z-289. A
member of the Sheriff's Department was at this location with a
rifle during the assassination—even though Sheriff Decker told
his deputies they were to play no part in Presidential security.
After the ambush witnesses continue to congregate near knoll area.
Photography of Dealey Plaza taken from south side of plaza [Grassy Knoll South] ten minutes after assassination.
rather than the far east
corner; the distance from the
southwest corner window to
Kill Zone B is 72 yards. There
would be no need for the
assassin to project himself or
his rifle out of the window.
—The rotation of JFK's head
forward and to the left; it
moves forward almost three
inches in the span of two
frames of Zapruder's film.
—The appearance of the
wound in Z-316, open and
—Damage to the inside
portion of the limousine's
windshield caused by a skull
or bullet fragment from this
* Likened to a plowed furrow.
Clint Hill, Mrs. Kennedy on rear of car as it speeds toward
Z-312: Impact- Shot fired from TSBD sixth floor [west end]
strikes JFK in rear of head. Car has come almost to a complete
Z-313: President's skull explodes in a shower of blood and brain
tissue as bullet exits his right temple. Driver continues to stare
into back seat.
Z-316 shows the wound of exit—open and gaping—in JFK's
wound, and I noted that the
right posterior portion of the
skull had been blasted. It had
been shattered, apparently,
by the force of the shot so that
the parietal bone was
protruded up through the
scalp and seemed to be
fractured almost along its
posterior half, as well as some
of the occipital bone being
fractured in its lateral half,
and this sprung open the
bones that I mentioned in
such a way that you could
actually look down into the
skull cavity itself and see that
probably a third or so, at
least, of the brain tissue,
posterior cerebral tissue and
some of the cerebellar tissue
had been blasted out."22*
It is very clear that each
of these doctors were
describing a wound in the rear
of the skull caused by a bullet
Evidence cited in Chapter
51 witnesses who said a
shot or shots came from
the grassy knoll;
Seven men who saw a
puff of smoke near the
Zapruder frames 312 and 321, showing violent motion of JFK's
upper torso to the left rear in just 5/10 of one second [approx.].
Lee Bowers saw two
men behind the fence
and saw a puff of smoke
or flash of light there
during the shooting;
Cigarette butts and
footprints in the mud
behind the fence, found
by S. M. Holland and
J. C. Price saw a man
running from behind
the fence after the last
Policeman park s motorcycle to pursue assassin.
photograph shows an
object behind the fence
that is no longer there
in photos taken
There are indications that one or both of the
shots from the knoll came from a 30.06 rifle. Dallas
insurance salesman Gary Campbell, a junior high
school student in 1963, skipped school on
November 22 to see the President. He was standing
near the intersection of Main and Houston when
the shots rang out. A gun enthusiast at an early
age, Campbell recognized one of the shots as
coming from a 30.06 rifle. The attention of the
crowd was focused on the occupants of the
President's car but Campbell glanced up the
embankment and saw a man with a rifle dart
behind the concrete pagola.
Mrs. Earle Cabell, wife of the then-mayor of
Dallas, testified that Congressman Ray Roberts
was sitting beside her and remarked that one of the
shots sounded like a 30.06. That afternoon a
mailman handed an empty 30.06 cartridge to a
television cameraman, asking that it be given to
Bert Shipp, a local TV personality. The uniden-
tified mailman said he found the shell in some
bushes near the Texas School Book Depository.
The bushes nearest that building are those on the
west side of the building near the railroad yard, and
the shrubbery on the grassy knoll. Shipp still has
the cartridge. _J
William and Gail Newman sprawl on turf at base of knoll. Both
Newman [a Korean war combat veteran] and his wife said that
shots came from directly behind them. Realizing that they were
in the line of fire, the Newmans threws themselves to the
ground and shielded their two small children.
Texas School Book Depository at approximately 1:40 p.m., the
day of the assassination.
Large crowd gathers on grassy knoll following murder of
Zapruder frames 317.320 show blurring as Zapruder reacts to a
final gun blast, fired by Decoy Assassin in TSBD using
Oswald's rifle. Missile was rued into grassy area on south side
of Elm and later recovered [see "Other Bullets," Chapter 31.
SHOT NUMBER SEVEN
1/10 of one second.
TSBD, 6th floor southeast
This was another shot from
the "Oswald window" fired
for diversionary and
evidentiary purposes. The
bullet struck the ground near
the sewer opening by the
south curb of Elm Street; the
slug was recovered ten
minutes later and its existence
denied by local and federal
—Several persons, including
Robert Jackson, Mrs. Earle
Cabe11 and Howard Brennan,
saw either a man lingering in
the window after the last shot,
or a rifle barrel slowly being
withdrawn.23There seems to
have been an effort on this
gunman's part to be seen.
and statement, cited in "The
—CD 1518: "Gouged Out
Hole in Grass Near Texas
School Book Depository,
Observed by Mr. & Mrs.
Wayne E. Hartman on
November 22, 1963."
—The Connally shot and the
two shots to Kennedy's head
were all three fired within a
time span of one and one-half
. __ _____
--— — " -
NOTES - CHAPTER SIX
1.McCafferty, James (Editor) Capital Punishment, p. 25.
2. Dallas Morning News, 12'-23-75.
3. Prouty - The Guns of Dallas"; Gallery magazine, 10-75,
4. Report, p. 49.
5. Gemberling Report, pp. 66-68.
6. The Lou Staples Show, KRLD Radio, Dallas (5-01.75).
7. Thompson. Josiah -Six Seconds in Dallas, pp. 216-217.
8. Lane, Mark -Rush to Judgment, p. 345.
9. Report, p. 77.
10. Interview of Roger Craig by Gary Shaw and Penn Jones.
13.Jones, Penn -Forgive My Grief, Vol. III, p. 36.
14. Interview conducted by Gary Shaw and Larry Harris, 11-
15. Report, pp. 77-78.
16. XIX H 170.
17. New York Times, 11-23-63.
18. VI H 56.
19.VI H 11.
20. Saturday Evening Post, 12-14-63.
21. VI H 41.
22. VI H 65.
23. VI H 33.
24. Report, pp. 63-65.
25. Thompson -op. cit., pp. 95-98.
26. Report, p. 110.
27. Hepburn, James -Farewell America, p. 359.
The individuals on the opposite page are mentioned in the
Warren Commission "Hearings" and unpublished Commission
documents; some were prominent in the Garrison inquiry; some
are mentioned in other publications concerning the Kennedy
assassination. Several of these persons are believed to have
been directly or indirectly involved in the President's murder,
and some are suspected of being actual gunmen in Dealey
Hank and Wanda Killam R. D. Matthews Emilio Santana
Nancy Perrin Jack YoungbloodGordon Novel
The Execution 164
Gerry Patrick HemmingThomas Beckham John Howard Bowen Harry Dean
William Duff Guy Gabaldin Manuel Garcia Gonzales
SPECULATION: WHO KILLED KENNEDY?
In the years following the release of the
Warren Report and the subsequent universal tide
of criticism it has received, Federal authorities and
certain members of the mass media have con-
tinuously conducted an on-going campaign against
critics of the Commission and its report. As a rule,
they have sought to create the impression that a
small band of publicity-seeking, money-hungry
crackpots continue to probe the case for self-
The late Allen Dulles, former-CIA director and
a member of the Commission, used to object that
the critics "haven't come up with anything new."
He said, "If they've found another assassin, let
them name names and produce their evidence,"
suggesting that the critics were irresponsible
because they failed to provide the answers. But
every day of every year, juries acquit defendants
whom, on the evidence, they find not guilty; they
are not expected at the same time to tell the
prosecution who was guilty. Why? Because jurors,
like the critics and researchers of the assassination,
lack the authority to investigate and the power to
We are restricted to speculation. And based on
the evidence available after 12 years, it is possible
to speculate as to the power behind the
assassination of John Kennedy. Over the years a
number of plausible and implatisible theories as to
who was responsible have been put forth. They
include Khrushchev and/or Soviet Intelligence;
Fidel Castro; Anti-Castro Cuban exiles; Right-
Wingers; Left-Wingers; Texas Oilmen; Lyndon
Johnson; the Mafia; the CIA; the Secret Service;
and J. Edgar Hoover and the FBI. Those who have
taken the time to objectively research and study
this case realize that the leads point in all directions
and that there is evidence pointing to each of the
men and organizations just mentioned; the
evidence can be construed to create a conspiracy for
every taste, prejudice or political stance.
In beginning our evaluation of some of the
suspects and the motives they might have had, we
pose again the questions cited in the preface of this
Cui Bono? (Who Gained?). Who had
reasonable motive to remove Kennedy from office
and benefit or profit thereby?
Who had the power and resources to kill an
Who could manipulate a cover-up involving
Federal agencies and authorities, and prolong the
cover-up for more than a decade?
Who could be powerful enough to persuade or
command some of the highest officials of our
government to perjure themselves to the American
In seeking to answer these questions ob-
jectively, we are led ultimately to one conclusion.
But before we give that conclusion, let us examine
and evaluate some of the major forces who merit
scrutiny, asking each of the above questions as we
WHO KILLED KENNEDY?
THE RIGHT WING?
The Warren Commission spent a considerable
amount of time trying to dispel speculation about a
right-wing plot to kill JFK.1This seemed a strong
possibility because the assassination occurred in
Dallas, a leading center of political conservatism in
the United States. In 1963 Dallas was a hub of
right-wing activity led by such groups as the John
Birch Society and the Indignant White Citizens'
Council. "Big D" also posted one of the highest
murder rates in the nation.
Dallas was the home of right-wing luminaries
H. L. Hunt and Major General (Resigned) Edwin
A. Walker. Hunt was the multi-millionaire oilman
who expounded his ultra-conservative views in
books, pamphlets and a syndicated radio program.
Walker, a right-wing fanatic, had been relieved of
his command in 1962 by President Kennedy after
the general refused to cease indoctrinating his
troops in Germany with John Birch
literature.2When United Nations Ambassador
Adlai Stevenson appeared in Dallas on October 24,
1963, he was cursed, spat upon and struck with a
placard during a protest rally staged by Walker's
National Indignation Committee;3The incident
received widespread critical news coverage and
darkened Dallas' already tarnished reputation as a
city of hate and violence.
On the morning of November 22, 1963, the
American flag outside the General's Dallas home
was flown upside-down, a signal of national
distress; after the President was murdered Walker
put the flag right-side up and refused to lower it to
Interesting are the activities of Hunt and
Walker on the day of the assassination. At 12:23
the oilman looked down on the motorcade from his
office on the seventh floor of the Mercantile Bank
Building;5afterward, escorted by agents of the
Federal Bureau of Investigation, Hunt went
directly to Dallas Love Field and departed on Delta
Flight 44.6The General, meanwhile, was in an
airplane between New Orleans and Shreveport;
when news of the President's shooting was an-
nounced over the public address system, Walker
became very excited and nervous. He roamed up
and down the aisle of the plane, telling fellow-
passengers and stewardesses to take note of where
he was when the assassination occurred in
Dallas.? Walker later joined Hunt at one of the oil
baron's secret hideaways across the Mexican
border and the pair remained there for a month,
under the protection of bodyguards and, repor-
tedly, the FBI. The Hunt-Walker party did not
return to "Big D" until Christmas.8
Two days before the President's arrival in
Dallas, the notorious "Wanted For Treason"
leaflets began circulating on city streets. Fashioned
after a wanted poster with full-face and profile
photographs of Kennedy, the leaflets listed seven
charges against him. Two of the charges were: "He
has given support and encouragement to the
Communist-inspired racial riots" and "He has been
lax in enforcing Communist Registration laws."
These were printed and distributed by Robert A.
Surrey, an associate and business partner of
The November 22, 1963 edition of the Dallas
Morning News carried the infamous full-page,
black-bordered advertisement highly critical of
Kennedy. Among those financing the ad were
Nelson Bunker Hunt, son of the oilman, and
Bernard Weissman, who had served under General
Walker in Germany.10 Sponsorship for the ad
was attributed to The American Fact-Finding
Committee, which Weissman later testified was
"formed strictly for the purpose of having a name
to put in the paper."11
The advertisement consisted of a large
headline, "Welcome Mr. Kennedy to Dallas,"
followed by a series of critical questions directed to
the President. An example: "Why have you or-
dered or permitted your brother Bobby to go soft
on Communists, fellow-travelers, and ultra-leftists
in America, while permitting him to persecute loyal
Americans who criticize you, your administration
and your leadership?" This exhibition of arch-
conservatism prompted President Kennedy to
remark privately in Fort Worth's Texas Hotel the
morning of the assassination: "We're really in nut
country now ."12
In general, men like Hunt and Walker were
highly displeased with the young President's
liberal views and "bleeding heart" actions. Par-
ticularly, they were incensed at his support of the
civil rights movement and his dealings with the
Soviet Union and Castro's Cuba. These men
genuinely feared a Communist takeover of the
Western Hemisphere, a fear so intense that it
sometimes reached a state of paranoia. In their
view Kennedy was so lax in dealing with Com-
munist countries that some no doubt suspected the
President himself as being an agent or represen-
tative of a communist nation, determined uo sell
America down the path to Communism. Men like
Hunt and Walker shed no tears when Kennedy
died, and indeed, most felt a strong sense of relief.
Speculation: Who Killed Kennedy?
aware of the Miami police tape and Milteer's name
appears nowhere in the 26 volumes of hearings,
even though he was interviewed by the FBI. The
existence of the police tape was not made public
until February 2, 1967, in a Miami News story by
reporter Bill Barry.
Did right-wing elements have a reasonable
motive for wanting John Kennedy removed from
office? Yes, in a perverted sense of patriotism
arising from their fear of Communist-domination of
the Western Hemisphere.
Did the right-wing possess the power and
resources to kill an American President? Yes.
Could the right-wing have manipulated a
cover-up involving Federal agencies and
authorities? No, it is extremely unlikely.
Could the right-wing have been powerful
enough to persuade or command some of the
highest officials of our government to perjure
themselves before the American public? No. For
instance, would a staunch liberal like Earl Warren
consent to cover up evidence of a non-
governmental, right-wing plot to kill the
President? Of course not. The power of right-wing
organizations simply did not reach that high into
the structure of our government.
(Too, it would be illogical for the Right to
carry out the assassination in a center of ultra-right
activity like Dallas, thereby imputing blame to the
Therefore, while right-wing elements may
have been incorporated into the operational stage
of the assassination by the planners, responsibility
for the murder of JFK lies somewhere other than
with the Right-Wing.
WHO KILLED KENNEDY?
The late H. L. Hunt has often been mentioned
in this respect, and some are convinced that he,
Sid Richardson or Clint Murchison may have
helped finance the assassination operation. As a
general rule, oilmen are staunch conservatives and
their reasons for wanting JFK out of office would
be the same as those outlined in the previous
section, with at least two additions.
On October 16, 1962, a law known as the
Kennedy Act removed the distinction between
repatriated profits and profits re-invested abroad in
the case of American companies with overseas
operations. Both were henceforth subject to
American taxation. This measure was aimed at
American industry as a whole but it particularly
affected the oil companies, which had the largest
and most diversified overseas activities. By the end
of 1962, oilmen were estimating that their earnings
on foreign invested capital, which in 1955 had
equalled 30 %, would fall to 15 % as a result of the
One of the biggest tax breaks for those dealing
in oil was the 271/2% depletion allowance, a special
provision of the Federal income tax under which oil
producers could treat up to 271/2 % of their income
as exempt from income tax, supposedly to com-
pensate for the depletion of oil reserves. In effect, it
gave the oil industry a lower tax rate than other
industries. In January, 1963, President Kennedy
proposed to Congress that this generous benefit be
reduced. With five billion dollars annual income
from oil and gas in Texas alone, any reduction
would be a sizable figure. Overall, it had been
estimated that U.S. oil interests would forfeit $280
million dollars a year if the depletion allowance was
diminshed.22Naturally that idea was unattractive
to oil producers, especially so in the Lone Star
State. Oilmen there would prefer to see a fellow-
Texan heading the Federal government, and
Lyndon Johnson was an old and dear partisan of
Did Texas oil have a reasonable motive for
wanting John Kennedy removed from office? Yes,
to protect its economic interests, not to mention
general displeasure with Kennedy's liberal policies.
Did Texas Oil have the power and resources to
kill an American President? Obviously it lacked
nothing in the way of financing such an operation;
certainly its wealth could have bought the finest
hitmen in the business to perform the assassination
and place one of Texas' own at the pinnacle of
Could Texas oil interests have manipulated a
cover-up involving Federal agencies and
authorities? Possibly, but to what extent? No
doubt the oil industry carries a great amount of
influence on Capitol Hill and could have influenced
the Johnson White House. But seemingly it would
take the combined wealth of Texas' many oil
barons to purchase the cooperation of the FBI, the
CIA, the Military, the Secret Service and certain
high government officials. Such an expensive
proposition seems beyond the realm of feasibility.
Could Texas oilmen have been powerful
enough to persuade or command some of the
highest officials of our government to perjure
themselves before the American public? Again, the
oil interests lacked the influence to pressure some
government leaders to lie and conceal the truth.
Some of these leaders were too stubborn or too
honest to be bought off.
Thus, while some members of the Texas oil
elite could have been solicited for financial support
of the assassination operation, the oil industry
itself lacked sufficient power to organize and carry
out both phases —the assassination and the cover-
up —of the conspiracy.
WHO KILLED KENNEDY?
Through the years this has been a popular
belief of those who choose not to believe the Warren
Report but have done little or no reading or study
about the assassination. The Castro concept is
based largely on the Commission's contention that
Lee Oswald had an "avowed commitment to
Marxism and communism" and was engaged in
pro-Castro activity such as the Fair Play For Cuba
In view of the many attempts by our govern-
ment to kill him, the idea of Castro as instigator of
Kennedy's death is not unreasonable. In
November, 1975, the Senate Select Committee to
Study Governmental Operations With Respect To
Intelligence Activities (commonly known as the
Church Committee) reported that from 1960 to
1965 there were at least eight plots involving the
CIA to assassinate Castro.23Although some of the
plots did not advance beyond the stage of planning
and preparation, one plot involving the use of
underworld figures reportedly twice progressed to
the point of sending poison pills to Cuba and
dispatching teams to commit the deed. Another
plot involved furnishing weapons and other
assassination devices to a Cuban dissident. The
proposed killing devices included high-powered
rifles, poison pills, poison cigars, poison pens,
exploding seashells, deadly bacterial powders and a
contaminated diving suit.24Ironically, one of the
plots occurred on November 22, 1963, when a CIA
official offered a poison pen to a Cuban for use
against Castro, while at the same time Kennedy
was being murdered in Dallas and an emissary sent
by him was meeting with Castro to explore the
possibility of improved relations between the
United States and Cuba.25
On March 3, 1967, columnist Jack Anderson
detailed six alleged CIA-Mafia attempts to kill the
bearded dictator between March, 1961 and
January, 1963. In an August,1975 letter to Senator
George McGovern, Castro himself placed the
number of attempts at 24; he said the attempts
were engineered by anti-Castro Cuban exiles
and/or the CIA.26
It is reasonable, then, that as a cover act of
retaliation and as a self-protective device, The
Beard could have turned the tables and arranged
the death of Kennedy. That supposition, though, is
unlikely, for as Castro himself has said, "We had
troubles with the Kennedy administration, but it is
monstrous even to contemplate that we would
murder the head of state of any nation, to say
nothing as to be so foolish as to incur the wrath of a
great power like the United States."27Indeed, had
Castro been linked to JFK's murder (and Oswald's
background no doubt caused more than a few
raised eyebrows), swift retaliation by this country
would follow; Cuba would be invaded, the island
annihilated and Castro killed.
Did Castro have reasonable motive for
wanting John Kennedy removed from office?
Possibly, in retaliation • for attempts by our
government to kill him, but would Kennedy's death
insure a halt to attempts on Castro? (No, for they
continued during the Johnson administration). Nor
would Castro risk his own death, had he been
linked to JFK's murder.
Did Castro have the power and resources to
kill an American President? Yes, a Cuban
assassination team could have accomplished the
assassination with relative ease.
Could Castro have manipulated a cover-up
involving Federal agencies and authorities? No.
On the contrary, the government would use a
Castro-link to the assassination as a legitimate
pretext for a long-planned, long-awaited invasion
Could Castro have been powerful enough to
persuade or command some of the highest officials
of our government to perjure themselves before the
American public? No, federal officials would not lie
and maintain a decade-plus cover-up for Castro.
We conclude that it is illogical to consider
Fidel Castro as a suspect in instigating the murder
of John Kennedy.
WHO KILLED KENNEDY?
What motives would the Mafia have for killing
the President? In 1933 mobsters Meyer Lansky and
Santo Trafficante had arranged a deal with Cuban
dictator Fulgencio Batista, whereby the Syndicate
would develop the island's tourist industry—not a
difficult task, because of the island's location 90
miles from the Florida coast—while Batista's
regime would protect the Mob's heroin interests.
The dictator's payoff over the years was estimated
by law enforcement agencies to be in the hundreds
of millions of dollars.28After World War II Mafia
chieftain "Lucky" Luciano, the Syndicate's heroin
Speculation: Who Killed Kennedy?
pioneer, designated Cuba to be the Mob's base of
operation in the Caribbean.29As long as Batista
continued to receive his graft through a private
Swiss bank account, the Mob was free to control
the casinos. They made a killing off tourists who
dropped an estimated $100 million yearly at
Havana's various casinos, as well as narcotic traffic
into the U.S.
The Syndicate's utopia ended rather suddenly,
though, when in 1957 a bearded lawyer named
Fidel Castro and a handful of rebels came out of the
Cuban hills, marched on Havana and overthrew the
Batista regime. Announcing his allegiance to
Communism, Castro became less than cordial to
Mobster elements in Cuba. They were ordered off
the island, their casinos shut down and the heroin
connection cut off. The Mafia chieftains were
outraged at the loss of untold hundreds of millions
of dollars annually, and a $1 million dollar reward
was put out for Castro's hide.30
Anxious to re-establish its various gambling
and narcotics operations in Cuba, the Mob awaited
impatiently, hoping the U. S. government would
orchestrate the removal of Castro; but President
Kennedy was hesitant in giving the go-ahead to
have the bearded dictator killed. The Central
Intelligence Agency, though, didn't wait for
Kennedy's approval. Not wanting to chance ex-
posing its own operatives in a Castro assassination
attempt, the Agency turned to organized crime to
recruit professional killers. Colonel Sheffield
Edwards, Director of the CIA's Office of Security,
approached former-FBI agent and Howard Hughes
executive Robert Maheu to act as a go-between for
the Agency and the Mob.31An offer to kill Castro
was made to mobsters John Rosselli and Sam
Giancana.* Testifying in 1975 before the Church
Committee, Rosselli went into detail about the
plots to kill Castro; he admitted under oath to
being involved in the planning and operation of at
least six attempts against the dictator between
1961 and 1963.32
The Mafia was confident it would be back in
business in Cuba after the CIA-backed Bay of Pigs
* On June 19, 1975, shortly before he was to testify before the
Church Committee about his involvement in the CIA plots to
assassinate Castro, 67-year old Momo Salvatore (Sam)
Giancana, was found murdered in his home. He had been shot
seven times.33It has been pointed out that Giancana survived
fifty years of gangsterism, disputes with the Al Capone mob,
inter-family Mafia fights as head of the Chicago Mafia, bad
health, the federal penitentiary, and constant surveillance. He
did not, however, survive his association with the Central
invasion. The invasion however was a miserable
failure. This was due largely to JFK's refusal to
allow U. S. planes to provide air-cover for the
invading troops. The Syndicate chieftains were
furious. Two years later the President further
incurred the wrath of organized crime with his
peace-making policies in Southeast Asia, where
CIA-supported dictators allowed the Mob's heroin
and opium operations to flourish. This
arrangement involved agreements with several
generations of the top officials in the South
Vietnamese government, who in turn, received a.
share of the profits as payoff. The Communists, on
the other hand, seeking control of South Vietnam,
were opposed to narcotics traffic and had
eliminated it entirely from areas already under their
control. A Communist victory in South Vietnam
meant an eventual end to the Mob's heroin
operations there and a resultant loss of billions of
dollars.35By 1963 President Kennedy had decided
against involving U. S. troops in a land war in
Southeast Asia and initiated plans for the with-
drawal of all American soldiers and advisors from
South Vietnam. The Mafia was not happy.
Organized crime faced problems domestically,
as well. Attorney General Robert Kennedy was
zealously conducting a self-declared, all-out war on
this facet of American life. Under his direction the
Justice Department was pursuing Syndicate
elements left and right, with only token assistance
from J. Edgar Hoover's Federal Bureau of In-
vestigation. Until the 1963 appearance of Joseph
Valachi before a Senate Committee, Hoover had
refused to acknowledge the existence of the
Mafia.36RFK meant business. Chicago's Sam
Giancana had gone to jail for contempt of court.
New Orleans chieftain Carlos Marcello had been
deported, some say illegally, at Kennedy's orders.
After a quest of nearly ten years, RFK was to nail
James R. Hoffa, Teamsters president and mobster-
associate. He was indicted and later sent to prison
for defrauding the Teamsters pension fund of
almost $2 million dollars.37
Others victimized by Kennedy's campaign
against organized crime included Joey Aiuppa, Lou
Gallo, and Moses Joseph. In the fall of 1963 RFK
became ambitious and turned his attention to the
corruption of Las Vegas; his plan to wage a full-
scale attack on the entire state of Nevada38never
came about though. It ended with the death of his
brother in Dallas.
Unlike past Attorneys General, Robert had
the power to wage his crusade because of the
backing and support of his brother's high office.
Unlike other politicians, RFK could not be bought
off or swayed by the promise of help in advancing
his own political career. By being born a Kennedy
he was automatically a millionaire, and as long as
his brother was President he needed no outside
political help. It seemed that murder would be only
saving grace for organized crime, and Mafia
chieftains no doubt contemplated it. In his book
The Grim Reapers, Ed Reid describes a 1962
meeting at which Carlos Marcello complained to
associates about harassment from the Attorney
General, at one point shouting, "Take the stone out
of my shoe!" Later Marcello is quoted as saying,
"Don't worry about that little Bobby son-of-a-
b----. He's going to be taken care of."39
Before he was sent up the river by the At-
torney General, Jimmy Hoffa had privately voiced
his intention to destroy, quite literally, Robert
Kennedy. Hoffa is quoted as saying, "He'll be an
easy target, always driving around Washington in
that convertible with that big black dog. All we
need is some plastic explosives tossed in with him,
and that will finish him off."40Later, the plan was
changed and called for Kennedy and his entire
family to be blown up at their residence.41 That
idea was eventually dropped altogether.
It would seem, then, that the Mafia's vendetta
lay primarily with Robert, and not his brother. In
any event, both had aroused the anger of the Mob
and the outlook for organized crime was bleak as
long as the brothers Kennedy remained in power. If
Robert became the victim of Mafia hit-men,
ceaseless reprisal from his brother was a certainty.
But if John became the target, two birds could be
killed with one stone. One, the President would be
removed, thereby opening the door for new policies
toward Southeast Asia and a new attitude toward
assassination attempts against Castro. Two, the
Attorney General would be on the way out, for the
intense, mutual antipathy between Lyndon
Johnson and Robert Kennedy was no secret.
Recalling that Eugene Hale Brading (alias Jim
Braden), a Mafia courier, was arrested in Dealey
Plaza, and that a key figure in the assassination
scenario, Jack Ruby,* had long and extensive ties
* A list of some of Ruby's associates between 1924 and 1963
reads like a Who's Who of organized crime: Frank ''The En-
forcer" Nitti, cousin and heir to Al "Scarface" Capone; Capone
himself, for whom young Ruby ran errands; Chicago mobsters
Dave Yaras and Lenny Patrick; Paul "Needle Nose" Labriola
and Jimmy Weinberg, both involved in the Chicago Syndicate's
labor operations; Lewis J. McWillie, who managed the Mafia-
operated Tropicana Casino in Havana; Murray "The Camel"
Humphreys, one of Nitty's top aides; Deutsch Maylor
("Dusty Miller"), head of the Teamsters Union southern
to mobster elements, organized crime must be
seriously considered as a prime suspect in
speculation about who killed Kennedy.
Did organized crime have a reasonable motive
for wanting John Kennedy removed from office?
Yes, for the reasons listed two paragraphs earlier.
Did organized crime possess the power and
resources to kill an American President? Yes.
Obviously the Mafia was not lacking in money or
Could organized crime have manipulated a
cover-up involving Federal agencies and
authorities? Could organized crime prolong the
cover-up for more than a decade? Certainly it would
have had the cooperation of the Central Intelligence
Agency, its partner in plotting Castro's demise.
Possibly J. Edgar Hoover would have cooperated.
But could the Mafia maintain the cover-up for ten
years by threats and/or bribes? Could organized
crime have been powerful enough to persuade or
command some of the highest officials of our
government to perjure themselves to the American
public? Like the Right-Wing or Texas Oil, the
power of the Mafia has never effectively reached
high into our entire government structure. Would
federal officials cower before the Mafia and cover-
up evidence of a Mafia assassination? Could all
these officials be threatened or bribed? We think
Therefore, while mobster elements were almost
certainly merged into the assassination plot by the
planners, we do not feel that the plot originated
with organized crime. Bearing in mind that the
cover-up, the lies and deceit surrounding the death
of President Kennedy have been maintained by
Federal authorities, we must consider the
possibility that elements of the Government itself
may have ordained the assassination. Remem-
bering that suppression of evidence and truth is
proper grounds for suspicion, we now move within
the governmental structure in search of the force
responsible for the murder of JFK.
WHO KILLED KENNEDY?
THE SECRET SERVICE?
Quite often, when a coup d' etat is ac-
complished, the bodyguards of the Chief of State
are recruited by the instigators of the coup to kill
the man whom they are assigned to protect. Ad-
mittedly, the very idea of the American Secret
Service consenting to help murder a U. S.
President borders on the edge of absurdity, and
certainly there is no evidence that the plot to kill
John Kennedy originated with his bodyguards.
Speculation: Who Killed Kennedy? 174
And yet, there are several incidents which suggest
that at least some members of the Secret Service
knew in advance that the assassination was to
It would be highly desirable for any group
plotting the murder of the President to have the
cooperation of the Service or elements thereof in
coordinating the actual attempt, particularly in a
situation like Dallas, which involved a motorcade
in open cars through a downtown area. The
assistance of Secret Service personnel would be
invaluable in providing information concerning the
arrangements of the President's trip and the
security precautions to be taken by federal and
The route from Love Field to the Trade Mart
luncheon site—including the fateful detour through
Dealey Plaza—was chosen by Secret Service
representatives (headed by Agent Winston
Lawson) in conjunction with the Dallas Police.43
Approval for the route was given despite the ob-
vious danger presented by the plaza, a logical site
for an assassination attempt. It was a breach of
Secret Service regulations that permitted the
motorcade to make a double-turn from Main Street
onto Houston, and from Houston onto Elm." The
first turn was at a 90-degree angle and the second a
dangerous 120-degree turn—definitely contrary to
any Secret Service practice permitted until that
time. Since Dealey Plaza was the most dangerous
spot on the entire Texas trip, that particular turn
should have been expressly forbidden. This area
was surrounded by five tall buildings and contained
walls, decorative concrete structures, a wooden
stockade fence and plenty of foliage, all of which
could provide necessary cover for the assassins.
The hairpin turn onto Elm Street was perfect for
the waiting riflemen because the limousine almost
had to stop in order to negotiate the turn, and was
moving very slowly (8-11 miles per hour) coming
out of the turn.
Another breach of Secret Service regulations
permitted the President and the Vice-President to
be in close proximity in the same city, in the same
motorcade, and both in open, slow-moving
vehicles. This practice was unheard of until that
day.45As we shall see, this arrangement may have
been intentional and pre-planned, and if so, served
its purpose well.
In view of the apprehension surrounding the
trip to Dallas, it is odd that the chief of the Secret
Service detail remained in Washington; Jerry Behn
was dining in the capital city when his President
was murdered 1400 miles away.46There had been
The Altgens photo shows Lyndon Johnson's Secret Service
detail [fourth automobile, non-convertible] reacting to the first
volley of shots. Kennedy's guards, directly behind him in an
open vehicle, watch calmly as the President obviously reacts to
great concern about Kennedy's visit to notoriously
hostile Dallas. Adlai Stevenson, who had ex-
perienced first-hand the wrath of city's radical
right-wing citizenry, advised JFK not to make the
trip. Friends, aides, congressmen and Texas
Democratic leaders pleaded with Kennedy to cancel
the Dallas stop.47
The Secret Service had foiled two very recent
assassination plots in Chicago and Miami. The
FBI had been advised on November that an at-
tempt on the President's life would be made when
he reached Dallas.48There is speculation that this
information was conveyed by Lee Harvey Oswald
in his capacity as an informer for the FBI. And yet,
the President's chief bodyguard did not bother to
accompany the Chief Executive into that city.
It is curious that Lyndon Johnson's Secret
Service men, riding in a closed car, reacted while
those guarding the President were motionless, even
though they were in an open vehicle.
The photograph by James Altgens shows the
Secret Service detail assigned to the Vice-President
reacting 3.6 seconds into the shooting; Agent
_Thomas Johns, directly behind Johnson's
limousine, can be seen opening his car door and
preparing to jump out. But directly behind the
President, most of his bodyguards watch passively
as their boss strangles on a bullet in his throat; two
of them have turned their heads and appear to be
looking at the doorway of the School Book
Depository. Frames from the Zapruder film
(published in the November 25, 1966 issue of Life
magazine) also show the seeming lack of concern on
the part of the agents, who appear to be observing
the incident with only mild interest.
The lack of response may have been due to
5630 dulled reflexes after a night of carousing in Fort
r. Worth. By their own admission, no less
of the agents assigned to the President detail
went to the Fort Worth Press Club and drank beer
and mixed drinks.49From there seven of them
proceeded to The Cellar, a nightspot operated by
Pat Kirkwood, an associate of Jack Ruby.56 Most
of them were there until 3:00 a.m. and one did not
leave until 5:00 a.m.51This was yet another breach
of Secret Service regulations, since agents on travel
status are expressly forbidden to consume alcoholic
The fatigue was clearly evident later that day,
for not until Kennedy's brains were blown out did
the agents react. Even, then, the agent assigned to
Jacqueline Kennedy exhibited the only full
response; Clint Hill reached the limousine 2.6
seconds after JFK's head exploded.* Hill may have
been disobeying orders in racing to help the
president. Agent John Ready started to run to the 1
President's aid and was ordered to stop by Emory
Roberts, the senior agent in the follow-up car.54
Driver William Greer could have saved
Kennedy's life had he accelerated the limousine
throught the underpass; the huge Lincoln was
equipped with a specially built engine designed for
rapid acceleration.55He failed to react to the
sound of gunfire and to the siren of the follow-up
car.56Greer, 54, told the Warren Commission that
he never looked back at the President, but merely
glanced at Governor Connally.57But the Zapruder
film clearly shows that Greer looked back, not once
but twice; the second time he continued to stare
into the back seat until JFK received the fatal
shots. Only then did Greer face forward, crouch
and speed away through the underpass.
With their non-reaction, the President's driver
and the six agents riding directly behind Kennedy
bear heavy responsibility for the success of the
ambush. These men were highly trained, ex-
perienced agents, and their failure to respond must
be viewed with suspicion. Most especially, the
actions of William Greer and Emory Roberts are
cause for raised eyebrows.
Too, there is the mystery of men presenting
Secret Service credentials in Dealey Plaza shortly
after the President was shot. Presumably the
credentials were false and had been supplied to each
conspirator in the plaza. But thanks to the
disinterest of the Warren Commission, we have to
wonder if perhaps true Secret Service represen-
tatives were present at the kill site as accomplices
in the assassination.
Based on what we have reviewed here, the
Secret Service as an organization can be ruled out
as instigating the assassination. However, there
does exist the possibility that some members of
this body may have had prior knowledge of what
would happen in Dallas and may have performed
assignments designed to insure the success of the
Did the Secret Service have a reasonable
motive for wanting John Kennedy removed from
office? No reasonable motive can be discerned.
Did the Secret Service have the power and
* In December 1975 Hill took early retirement from the Secret
Service because of emotional problems stemming from the '
assassination. He said his doctors say he has a "severe
neurological problem caused by what has happened in the past
and they've recommended psychiatric help . . . they trace it all
back to 1963."53
see it would be in the interest to get rid of
this man but why would it be in their interest
to say he is clearly the only guilty one? I
mean I don't see that argument that you
raise particularly shows an interest.
Mr. Rankin: They (the FBI) would like to
have us fold up and quit.
Rep. Boggs: This closes the case, you see.
Don't you see?
Mr. Dulles: Yes, I see that.
Mr. Rankin: They found the man. There is
nothing more to do. The Commission sup-
ports their conclusions, and we can go on
home and that is the end of it.
Mr. Dulles: But that puts the burden right
on them. If he was not the killer, and they
employed him, they are already it, you see.
So your argument is correct if they are sure
that this is going to close the case, but if it
don't close the case, they are worse off than
ever by doing this.
Rep. Boggs: Yes, I would think so. And of
course, we are all even gaining in the realm of
speculation. I don't even like to see this
being taken down.
Mr. Dulles: Yes, I think this record ought to
be destroyed. Do you think we need a record
Mr. Rankin: I don't, except that we said we
would have records of meetings and so we
called the reporter in the formal way. If you
think what we have said here should not be
upon the record, we can have it done that
way. Of course it might . . . .
Mr. Dulles: I am just thinking of sending
around copies and so forth. The only copies
of this record should be kept right there.
Rep. Boggs: I would hope that none of these
records are circulated to anybody . . . .59
The Commission seemed convinced that the
Bureau was deliberately leaking information to the
press to build the lone assassin case quickly and
decisively in the public mind. They reasoned that
the FBI's haste to close the case stemmed from its
failure to inform the Secret Service and Dallas
Police of Oswald's presence in Dallas prior to
The transcript of the January 27, 1964 session
reveals that the members seemed terrified of FBI
Director J. Edgar Hoover; for two hours they
discussed ways of inquiring about the informant
rumor. Indeed, they spent four months debating
just how to approach the Director for a disclaimer
that would convince the public. Initially, they
decided that a formal denial would not suffice, after
being told by Dulles that Hoover would probably
lie if Oswald was in fact an informer. Dulles con-
fided that during his tenure as CIA director he
would have lied under oath to anyone except the
President, if he thought it was in the interest of the
nation or the Agency.60
Their dilemma was a choice between having
the public reject Hoover's word that Oswald was
not an informer, and incurring the Director's wrath
if they tried to conduct an investigation of the
charges, Hoover, they feared, might feel he was
being investigated if they requested documentary
evidence that he was telling the truth. Finally, the
members voted unanimously to let General Counsel
Rankin approach Hoover in whatever manner he
thought best. As expected, the Director flatly
denied the rumor and the matter (at least as far as
the Commission was concerned) was dropped
During this meeting the members continued to
voice suspicions about the Bureau's anxiousness to
close the case:
Rankin: They (the FBI) have no problem.
They have decided that it was Oswald who
committed the assassination, they have
decided that no one else was involved, they
Russell: They have tried the case and
reached a verdict on every count.
Boggs: You have put your finger on it.
McCloy: They are a little less certain in the
supplementals than they were in the first.
Rankin: Yes, but they are still there. They
have decided the case, and we are going to
have maybe a thousand further inquiries that
we can say the Commission has to know all
these things before it can pass on this.
And I think their reaction would probably
be, "Why do you want all that. It is clear."
Russell: "You have our statement, What else
do you want?"
McCloy: Yes, "We know who killed cock
robin." That is the point. It isn't only who
killed cock robin.61 *
• It was during this session that Rankin made the now-famous
remark, "We do have a dirty rumor that is very bad for the
Commission . . . and it must be wiped out insofar as it is
possible to do so by this Commission." The transcript was
obtained in mid-1974 by Harold Weisberg after he filed a
Freedom of Information lawsuit. The January 27 transcript
with all its shocking revelations is printed in its entirety in
Whitewash IV: JFK Assassination Transcript.
Speculation: Who Killed Kennedy? 182
that. They cannot be accused of anything.
They approached it in a very clever, con-
trived way ."93
That allegation was corroborated by her
brother-in-law, Robert Oswald:
Oswald: Marina had recognized this one FBI
agent as a man who had come to the Paines'
home in Irving, Texas, and perhaps at
another location where they might have lived
in Dallas, or the surrounding territory, and
had questioned Lee on these occasions.
Jenner: In the home?
Oswald: In or outside of the home, I do not
know whether it took place on the inside—
but within the immediate grounds of the
home, at least.
Dulles: And this was early in 1963? Prior,
anyway to November 22, 1963, was it not?
Oswald: Yes, sir, that is correct. And that
this particular one agent—Not the Mr.
Brown I have referred to, but the other
gentleman that I do not recall his name—she
had an aversion to speaking to him because
she was of the opinion that he had harassed
Lee in his interviews, and my observations of
this at this time, at this particular interview,
was attempting to start— I would say this
was certainly so. His manner was very harsh,
sir . . . It was quite evident there was a
harshness there, and that Marina did not
want to speak to the FBI at that time. And
she was refusing to. And they were insisting,
sir. And they implied in so many words, as I
sat there—if I might state—with Secret
Service Agent Gary Seals, of Mobile,
Alabama—we were opening the first batch of
mail . . . and we were perhaps just four or
five feet away from where they were at-
tempting this interview, and it came to my
ears that they were implying that if she did
not cooperate with the FBI agent there, that
this would perhaps . . . in so many words,
that they would perhaps deport her from the
United States and back to Russia."94
This is only one of several instances of FBI
intimidation of witnesses. Recall that Richard
Randolph Carr (Chapter 1) was told rather than
asked what he had witnessed during the
assassination. Agents told another to "keep your
g d mouth shut."95Jean Hill, who saw a manl
fleeing from the grassy knoll after the last shot,
told Mark Lane, ". . . the FBI was here for days.
They practically lived here. They just didn't like
what I told them I saw and heard when the
President was assassinated." She declined to give
Lane a filmed interview because,
"For two years I have told the truth, but I
have two children to support and I am a
public school teacher. My principal said it
would be best not to talk about the
assassination, and I just can't go through it
all again. I can't believe the Warren Report.
I know it's all a lie, because I was there when
it happened, but I can't talk about it
anymore because I don't want the FBI here
constantly and I want to continue to teach
here. I hope you don't think I'm a coward,
but I cannot talk about the case anymore. "96
The FBI at the Texas Theatre
No less than 15 Dallas policemen converged on
the Texas Theatre in Oak Cliff one hour and 15
minutes after the assassination,97believing the
killer of fellow-officer J. D. Tippit was inside. One
of the many mysteries of that day is the fact that
FBI agent Robert Barrett accompanied the police
to the theatre and participated in the apprehension
of Oswald.98Why, little more than an hour after
the assassination, was an FBI agent assisting in a
local police case involving a possible suspect in the
Tippit murder? Barrett was not called as a witness
before the Commission.
The FBI and Jack Ruby
In one of his few candid acts toward the
Commission, J. Edgar Hoover admitted that the
Bureau contacted Jack Ruby on nine occasions
during 1959 to develop him as an informant. This
admission, in a letter dated June 9, 1964, was
suppressed by the Commission. Declassified in
1972, the letter said Ruby "expressed a willingness
to furnish information" regarding organized crime
in Dallas.99The Director added, however, that
Ruby "furnished no information whatever and
further contacts with him were discontinued.,,wo
That assertion is difficult to accept, in view of the
fact that there were at least nine separate meetings
after Ruby agreed to furnish information.
Jack Ruby had been an informant for the FBI:
was the man he killed serving in that capacity?
Presence of Hoover in Dallas on Nov. 21, 1963
On the evening of November 21, 1963, a party
was held in the Dallas home of millionaire Clint
Murchison, Sr. It is a little-known fact that J.
Edgar Hoover secretly flew into Dallas and was
present in the Murchison mansion for several hours
before returning to Washington, D.C. in the small
hours of the morning.101Although Murchison and
Hoover were old friends and business partners, it
seems unlikely that an important and busy man
like the Director would fly that distance for a mere
This gathering in the Murchison home
becomes even more suspect when it is learned that
among those in attendance was none other than
Richard M. Nixon himself.102As mentioned in a
previous chapter, Nixon apparently offered a false
pretext for his presence in Dallas on November 20,
21 and 22. Why was the former-Vice-President
really in Dallas? Why did the Director of the FBI
fly to Dallas and return to Washington in such
Any group contemplating the murder of the
President seemingly would have required the
assistance of John Edgar Hoover; he was simply
too powerful and too valuable to be overlooked by
the planners. Once the investigation was taken out
of the hands of Dallas and Texas officials, it was
apparent the FBI would head any official in-
vestigation into Kennedy's murder. The
cooperation of Hoover would be imperative, unless
the force behind the assassination was so awesome
and so powerful that it was certain it could control
Hoover was the FBI. He had been its Director
for 39 years, and in that time he had acquired
monstrous power; he ranked as one of the most
powerful civilians in Washington. The primary
source of his power was no secret; it has been
explained in simple terms by William C. Sullivan, a
30-year veteran of the Bureau and for a time its
"He was very, very powerful, un-
believably powerful. We don't ever want
another man in that position of power
again. He was in there such a long time,
and he gathered all the dirt that was
present on people in high-ranking
positions, all the irregularities, not
necessarily sex alone, but financial
irregularities or political chicanery. It
doesn't have to be something of a sexual
nature, although that would be included.
He was a genius at implying that he knew
all this information, and sometimes he
didn't know as much as he implied, but it
didn't matter. Once it reached them that
this implication had been made, damn it,
they had a guilty conscience, and they may
have done something that even Hoover
didn't know about, but they assumed that
he did know. That placed him in a position
of power, and they were all afraid to get rid
of him. I know Nixon was actually afraid of
him. Knowledge is powerful, and he had
knowledge of the most damaging kind,
knowledge of people's misbehavior."103
That power of knowledge was mentioned by
President Richard Nixon in one of the White House
transcripts of a tape recording made in the Oval
Office in a February 28, 1973 meeting between the
President and John Dean:
(expletive deleted) Hoover was my crony.
He was closer to me than Johnson, actually
although Johnson used him more. But as
for Pat Gray, (expletive deleted) I never
While it might have been a lot of blue
chips to the late Director, I think we would
have been a lot better off during this whole
Watergate thing if he had been alive.
Because he knew how to handle that
Bureau—knew how to keep them in
Well, Hoover performed. He would have
fought. That was the point. He would have
defied a few people. He would have scared
them to death. He has a file on
No doubt a massive sigh of relief echoed
through the District of Columbia when Hoover, 77,
died in May, 1972. Following his death, 35 filing
drawers containing Hoover's personal files were
moved from his office to his home and subsequently
destroyed by Helen Gandy, Hoover's long-time
secretary; the destruction process took more than
two months .1°5
To many, Hoover was Mr. America. For
decades the Hoover legend, perpetuated by the
FBI's public relations office, continued to grow
until the man became somewhat a demigod. To
speak of him in derogatory terms was nothing short
of blasphemy, and anyone doing so might be
suspected of having Communist ties.
But in 1975 the legend began to crumble and
Americans began to see the type of man Hoover
really was. Testimony before a Senate sub-
committee revealed the faults in Hoover's character
and the shocking instances of lawless acts carried
out at his direction. Time magazine cited these
Instead of insulating his bureau from
* Emphasis added.
Speculation: Who Killed Kennedy?
his home state, and realizing that he was to suffer
the humiliation of being dropped from the
Democratic ticket in 1964 in favor of Senator
George Smathers of Florida,111would a man like
Johnson consent to cooperate with men conspiring
to kill Kennedy?
Two incidents incriminating to Johnson oc-
curred on November 22 and 23, 1963; one suggests
that he might have had prior knowledge of the
assassination, the other that he might have made
an agreement to protect Kennedy's killers.
LBJ Ducked in Dealey Plaza.
For years the story has been told and retold
that when the shots rang out in Dealey Plaza,
Secret Service agent Rufus Youngblood, riding in
the front seat of LBJ's car, threw himself into the
back seat and used his body to shield the Vice
President.112We now know otherwise. A respected
and reliable South Texas history professor was
personally told the true story by Senator Ralph
Yarborough, who was riding in the Johnson vehicle
that day. According to the former-Senator, both
Johnson and Youngblood ducked down when the
shooting began and the agent never left the front
seat. Johnson and Youngblood then communicated
with each other by inter-vehicle telephone
throughout the high-speed ride to Parkland
Hospital. Yarborough, the source said, has been
appalled for years at Johnson's version of the
story, a story which he knows to be an absolute
The fact that he witnessed the Vice President's
reaction may explain his treatment by Federal
authorities during the official inquiry into the
assassination. Yarborough related that experience
on ABC's "Goodnight America" television
"Well, when I wrote them you see, they
came over then, a couple fellows to see me
sometime after that and they walked in like
they were a couple of deputy sheriffs and I
was a bank robber. * Caught me walking
out, 'What have you got to say about this?'
I didn't like the attitude. As a senator I felt
insulted, .and they went off and wrote up
something and brought it back for me to
sign that I refused to sign. I threw it in the
drawer and let it lie there for weeks. And
they had on the last sentence on there to
swear to it. 'This is all I know about the as-
sassination.' They wanted me to sign this
thing, then say this is all I know. * Of
* Emphasis added.
course, I would never have signed it. Fi-
nally after some weeks went by they began
to bug me, 'You're holding this up, you're
holding this up,' and demanding I sign the
report. So I typed one up myself and put
basically what I told you about how the
cars didn't take off and I said in there 'I
don't want to hurt anyone's feelings but for
the protection of future Presidents they
should be trained to take off when there's a
shot fired,' and I sent that over. That's
dated July 10, 1964, after the assassi-
nation. To my surprise, when the volumes
were finally printed and came out, I was
surprised at how many people down at the
White House didn't file their affidavits till
after the date, after that of mine the 10th of
July, waiting to see what I was going to say
before they'd file theirs.* I began to lose
confidence then that's further eroded with
time. About two weeks ago in Texas, I
stated I thought there should be another
investigation, not reopen the same com-
mission, but another investigation."114
Either Mr. Johnson or Mr. Yarborough has
lied about what actually happened in the Vice
Presidential limousine during the assassination;
under the circumstances, we are inclined to believe
Orders From the Top.
The other incident incriminating to Johnson
was learned from private remarks by a retired
official of the Dallas Police Department.
The day after the Zapruder film of the
assassination had been shown on national
television for the first time (March, 1975), retired
police captain Will Fritz and a small circle of old
political cronies and businessmen were conversing
over lunch when the discussion turned to the TV
presentation of the Zapruder film and the renewed
interest in the JFK murder. Fritz began to
reminisce about his role in the events of that
terrible weekend. Fritz told his friends that as Chief
of the Homicide Division, he had been steadily and
thoroughly investigating the President's murder,
despite interference and opposition from Federal
authorities; he received several phone calls between
Lee Oswald's Friday afternoon arrest and Saturday
afternoon, November 23, urging him to cease the
investigation because, "You have your man." The
* Emphasis added.
** A witness to the assassination, Jean Hill, made this remark
to a researcher, "Isn't it odd that the Vice President crouched
down before the first shot?"115
Speculation: Who Killed Kennedy?
A Fable: Welcome to the Club
In Texas, the story is told of the farmer who
owned a well-trained mule. One day a friend needed
to plow his field and asked to borrow this mule,
whose obedience was known throughout the
county. The farmer agreed to loan the animal, with
these instructions: "Don't curse him; don't raise
your voice and don't use a whip on him. Talk firmly
The following day the farmer visited his friend
to see how much progress had been made in the
field. He found the friend sitting under a tree, a
frustrated look on his face; he complained that the
mule refused to work.
"You didn't curse him, did you?" asked the
"You didn't raise your voice or whip him did
"No, I talked just as sweet as I could."
"Well, let's see what the problem is."
The farmer picked up a dead cedar branch and
approached the mule; he wielded the club over his
head and brought it down with great force, striking
the mule between the eyes and driving it to its
knees. The stunned animal wobbled to its feet and
immediately began to pull the plow.
The astonished friend said, `:But you told me
all I had to do was talk nice to that mule."
"Yes," the farmer replied, "but first you have
to get his attention."
On November 22, 1963, the true power in this
nation got the attention of Lyndon Johnson and all
who were to follow, by delivering a fatal blow to our
Chief of State. The impact of that tremendous blow
has been and will forever be felt by every individual
who seeks this country's highest office. Five years
later the "club" was brought out again, and the
powers that be again demonstrated on June 5, 1968
that a stubborn "mule" will not be tolerated. John
and Robert Kennedy were unacceptable to the true
power of this nation. Edward Kennedy and George
Wallace, as they now realize, are likewise unac-
ceptable to those who run this country. The echo of
those rifles in Dealey Plaza and their everpresent
threat, remain a mechanism of control over the
American government . . . .
Based on Johnson's reaction to the shots,
three things seem possible:
(1) He knew the assassination was to occur in
(2) He knew Kennedy was to be killed but
never dreamed it would be done in his home state of
(3) He knew Kennedy could be killed and was
filled with terror when the brutal act was com-
mitted, especially because it was done in his
presence. Perhaps he realized he had been placed in
that motorcade for a reason. Perhaps someone
powerful thought it important that the man who
would take Kennedy's place hear and remember the
sound of those rifles.
The third alternative is our choice, and in our
opinion, LBJ was remembering the sound of those
rifles when on March 31, 1968, he announced he
would not seek re-election. In a televised address to
the nation, Johnson reported that the United
States "is taking a very important unilateral act of
de-escalation (of the Vietnam war) which could—
and I fervently pray will—lead to mutual moves to
reduce the level of violence." Laying his notes
aside, LBJ looked solemnly into the camera and
surprised the entire nation: ". . . accordingly, I will
not seek, nor will I accept, the nomination of my
party for another term as your President."126
He was uncharacteristically announcing he
was through. Johnson was serving notice that he
had had all that one man could take of his ordeal,
that he was weary of living under the guns of the
Five days later those guns rang out again and
an opponent of the Vietnam nightmare was forever
silenced: Martin Luther King. Exactly two months
later the guns claimed the second Kennedy brother.
Did Lyndon Johnson have a reasonable motive
for wanting John Kennedy removed from office?
Yes, if he truly wanted to be President that badly.
Did Lyndon Johnson have the power and
resources to kill his predecessor? Throughout his
long career in Texas and U. S. politics, Johnson no
doubt came in contact with any number of in-
fluential men and groups on whom he could have
relied, had he wished to take that final step to the
pinnacle of political power.
Could Lyndon Johnson have manipulated a
cover-up involving Federal agencies and
authorities, and ensure the continuation of that
cover-up, even after his own death? True, as
President, LBJ had authority over various key
governmental agencies, including the FBI and the
Secret Service. But would these organizations
pledge their allegiance to one man in concealing the
truth about an assassination? Would they pledge
their allegiance to Lyndon Johnson? Just as
Richard Nixon was unable to maintain the cover-up
of Watergate, Johnson would have been unable to
do so with the JFK murder.
Could Lyndon Johnson have been powerful
enough to persuade or command some of the
highest officials of our government to perjure
themselves before the American public? Some no
doubt would have unhesitatingly obeyed the
President of the United States, but Lyndon
Johnson simply did not command that much
respect, and few persons in official Washington
would have perjured themselves for Johnson's
sake. One man could not have engineered such an
accomplishment, unless he was backed by powerful
Therefore, we conclude that LBJ most likely
did not participate in promoting and/or planning
the assassination of President Kennedy. However,
he did willfully or otherwise become a party to the
WHO KILLED KENNEDY?
FOREIGN OR DOMESTIC SOURCES?
In the preceding portion of this chapter we
have systematically examined and discounted the
following groups and individuals as suspects in the
assassination: the Right-Wing, Texas oilmen,
Castro, organized crime, the Secret Service,
Hoover's FBI and Lyndon Johnson. In view,
however, of the apparent involvement of elements
of these groups and individuals (in one or both
stages of the conspiracy), we must ponder the
question: What force could be shrewd enough and
powerful enough to structure into the Oswald-
Assassination cover story, alma every element of
the political spectrum both left and right, foreign
Lee Harvey Oswald's background included
membership or contact with the following: the
Communist Party and the FBI; the anti-
communist Socialist Labor Party and the Soviet
Union; the American Civil Liberties Union and the
Dallas ultra-right; the Fair Play For Cuba Com-
mittee and General Edwin Walker; the Socialist
Workers Party and American oil interests; the
Cuban government and the U. S. Marines; the CIA
and the Soviet KGB. Who was large enough and
powerful enough to accomplish such an
What about a foreign plot? For many
Americans this would perhaps be the most
satisfying answer. Did a foreign power murder this
nation's chief executive? We think not. For with
Kennedy's death there would have been no breach
of power, and each and every enemy of America
was aware of this fact. The death of a president
causes no disruption of power to such an extent
that we would face a collapse of governmental
structure. The Constitution outlines a simple
. method for the transfer of power. This method is
sufficient in any situation, whether the President
be removed by election, resignation, impeachment,
illness, natural death or death by assassination.
It is conceded that some foreign powers could,
and in some instances, did have motive for killing
Kennedy. Some of these possible motives are:
(1) A change of U. S. policy toward that
country. (There was no assurance of policy change
with JFK's successor.)
(2) Revenge, would Khrushchev, for instance,
risk his own death in trying to avenge his
humiliation after the Cuban Missile Crisis? We
think not. (As discussed earlier, Fidel Castro surely
would have not.)
Contrary to what some would have us believe,
the assassination of our leader by foreign elements
would not have brought on World War III and
nuclear holocaust. Had it been a foreign plot, it is
probable that U. S. leaders would have quickly
taken the case to the United Nations and the global
news media, proclaiming it a bloody and horren-
dous act of the heathen communist horde (or
whatever group or nation bore responsibility). Had
communist factors,been blamed, the progress of the
socialist system would have immediately regressed
hundreds of years.
We rule out the possibility that the
assassination was a foreign plot. It was, and
continues to be, a domestic conspiracy, hence the
cover-up by and for those with vested interests:
those who perpetrated the crime.
Once we are compelled to the conclusion that
components within the American government
executed their own Chief of State, we are faced with
the question: which faction? Using the systematic
evaluation used throughout this chapter, we can
find only one element which meets the criteria;
this, along with substantiating evidence, answers
the question, "Who killed Kennedy?" We derive no
pleasure in pointing the finger of guilt at this
powerful group within our own land.
WHO KILLED KENNEDY?
THE UNITED STATES MILITARY AND
INDUSTRIAL COMPLEX WITH ITS
The Military kill its own Commander-in-Chief?
Perhaps that is not as far fetched as it may sound,
especially when one considers that between the
years 1962 and 1964 there were 16 successful and 12
unsuccessful military coups in different areas of our
globe.127In the years from World War II to 1961
there were no less than 27 major military uprisings
Speculation: Who Killed Kennedy?
around the world which swept civilian governments
out of power.128
SUCCESSFUL MILITARY COUP D'ETATS
March 2, 1962
March 28, 1962
July 18, 1962
January 13, 1963
February 8, 1963
March 3, 1963
March 8, 1963
March 30, 1963
July 11, 1963
August 12, 1963
September 25, 1963
October 3, 1963
November 1, 1963
April 1, 1964
April 19, 1964
November 3, 1964
UNSUCCESSFUL MILITARY COUP D'ETATS
Unprepared for the task that had befallen him,
Harry Truman was unable to recognize the power-
grab made by the Military: His successor, Dwight
D. Eisenhower, no doubt was aware that the
Military was actually running the nation but not
until his term of office ended did he dare voice his
concern. Then, in 1960, there occurred the ac-
cidental election of a peace-seeking, idealistic man,
a former Navy lieutenant who thought he ought to
be President. And for the first time since World
War II the Military Establishment was threatened
by a President who, as Commander-in-Chief, in-
tended to execute that role as he saw fit.
1961-62: THINKING THE UNTHINKABLE
In 1962 the thought of a possible military
takeover of the United States was dominant in the
minds of many public officials, and was a widely
discussed topic. Much of this concern had been
generated by the best-selling novel Seven Days in
May by Fletcher Knebel and Charles W. Bailey'
• Seven Days in May later became a popular movie, made at
the request of President Kennedy, who wanted it filmed as a
a warning to the nation.129
This book, which depicts a U. S. President fighting
a secret military junta that seeks to seize control of
the nation, presents an idea that was taken
somewhat seriously in our nation's capitol. The 15-
year period following World War II had seen the
Military emerge as the dominant force in our
government, and a number of officials, civilian and
former military, had publicly voiced alarm over the
growing power and influence of the Military
In 1961 the Secretary of the Navy in a private
conversation with one of the authors of Seven Days
in May ruminated on the state of the nation;
unknown to him, his thoughts were amplified and
placed in the mind of the fictional President in the
"I'm worried," he said. "Up to 1945, an in-
dividual could have some feeling even in a world
war—that he had some control over his own
existence. But when that atomic bomb exploded
over Hiroshima, something happened. People
began to feel helpless. Now, with hydrogen bombs
all over the world, the individual feels even more at
a loss to help control his own destiny. You can
sense the feeling everywhere."130
The Secretary went on to say that in a
monolithic state, such as Russia, it doesn't matter
much what the individual feels. But in a
democracy, where leaders govern only by the
collective consent of millions of individuals, the
attitude of the single citizen is crucial. If people no
longer believe they can influence events, he argued,
democracy is in danger—and a dictator could take
over. There is no magic in the American system. It
can be preserved only by millions of citizens
working day in and day out to nourish a system
that was then 185 years old. But did Americans
still work at it? Or, he wondered, were they
beginning to give up?131
This man, who headed the most powerful
peacetime navy in history, later resigned that
position, returned to his home state and was
elected governor. Ironically, it was in that capacity
that on November 22, 1963, former-Navy Secretary
John B. Connally became a victim in the six-second
ambush that took the life of President John
In his farewell address Dwight D. Eisenhower,
military commander-turned-civilian leader, warned
against the increasing power of what he called the
"military-industrial complex." "In the councils of
government," he said, "we must guard against the
acquisition of unwarranted influence, whether
sought or unsought, by the military-industrial
complex. The potential for the disastrous rise of
Speculation: Who Killed Kennedy? 192
acquired so much might, power and influence, that
they answered to no one, not even the President of
the United States.
Briefly, let us outline the nature of the conflict
Between President Kennedy and the Military and
(1) The Bay of Pigs.
Situation: An ill-conceived and badly executed
attempt in April, 1961 involving a force of anti-
Castro Cuban exiles trained and directed by the
Central Intelligence Agency, seeking to invade the
island of Cuba and overthrow Fidel Castro. This
project was carried out only three months after
Kennedy had taken office but the idea had been
conceived during the Eisenhower administration.
JFK allowed it to proceed with important
modifications limiting the degree of American
support and afterward he accepted "sole