BOTH OF OSWALD'S MILITANT COMMUNIST NEWSPAPERS
PUBLISHED IN NEW YORK, U. S. A.
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Editor: Doug Nelson
Business manager: Lea Sherman
Editorial volunteers: Róger Calero, Naomi Craine, Frank Forrestal, Seth Galinsky,
Emma Johnson, Paul Pederson, Gerardo Sánchez, John Studer, Brian Williams,
Published weekly except for one week in January, one week in July, one week in
August, and two weeks in September by the Militant (ISSN 0026-3885), 306 W. 37th
Street, 13th floor, New York, NY 10018.
Telephone: (212) 244-4899; Fax (212) 244-4947.
Correspondence concerning subscriptions or changes of address should be
addressed to the Militant, 306 W. 37th Street, 13th floor, New York, NY 10018.
Affidavit Of Louis Weinstock
The following affidavit was executed by Louis Weinstock on May 20,
ON THE ASSASSINATION OF
PRESIDENT JOHN F. KENNEDY
STATE OF NEW YORK,
County of New York, ss:
Louis Weinstock, being duly sworn, says:
1. On or about December 19, 1962, I was General Manager of "The Worker," the
address of which is 23 West 26 Street, New York 11, New York. On or about
December 19, 1962, I wrote the attached letter on the letterhead of "The Worker"
addressed to Lee Harvey Oswald, Post Office Box 2915, Dallas, Texas, and sent or
caused such letter to be sent to Mr. Oswald. I have initialed that letter
immediately below the initials "WJL" appearing thereon for the purpose of
identifying it as Weinstock Exhibit No. 1.
2. The letter refers to certain "blow ups" which were apparently sent to "The
Worker" by Mr. Oswald. I described those "blow ups" in my letter as "poster like
blow ups" and indicated that they would be "most useful at newsstands and other
public places to call the attention of newspaper readers that The Worker' is
3. While my recollection is not entirely clear concerning the nature of the
"blow ups" which Oswald had apparently sent to "The Worker," it appears from the
description of such "blow ups" in my letter that they must have consisted of the
item which has been marked as Exhibit 5A in the deposition of Mr. Arnold S.
Johnson, which Exhibit, as indicated in Mr. Johnson's testimony, was obtained
from the files of "The Worker" and turned over to the Federal Bureau of
Investigation by Mr. Johnson's counsel.
4. Aside from the attached letter of December 19, 1962, I know of no other
correspondence which I may have written to Lee Harvey Oswald and I do not recall
receiving anything from him other than the material described in this affidavit.
Signed the 20th day of May 1964.
(S) Louis Weinstock,
OSWALD'S OTHER COMMUNIST NEWSPAPER "THE WORKER"
Guide to the Daily Worker and
Daily World Photographs
Worker traces its
origins to the Communist Labor Party, founded in Chicago in 1919, and
its newspaper the Toiler. When the Communist Labor Party
merged with the Workers Party in 1921 the Toiler became
the weekly paper The Worker. On January 13, 1924 it changed
its name to the Daily Worker. It continued to be published in
Chicago until 1927, when the Communist Party moved to New York City. As
the official organ of the Communist Party, USA, the Daily Worker's editorial
positions reflected the policies of the Communist Party. At the same
time the paper also attempted to speak to the broad left-wing community
in the United States that included labor, civil rights, and peace
activists, with stories covering a wide range of events, organizations
and individuals in the United States and around the world. As a daily
newspaper, it covered the major stories of the twentieth century.
However, there was always an emphasis on radical social movements,
social and economic conditions particularly in working class and
minority communities, poverty, labor struggles, racial discrimination,
right wing extremism with an emphasis on fascist and Nazi movements, and
of course the Soviet Union and the world-wide Communist movement.
After the Communist Party moved its
operations to New York City the Daily
Worker became one of the
most influential papers on the American Left. In the late 1920s its
circulation was estimated at 17,000 and at its peak in the late 1930s it
may have been as high as 35,000.
In October 1935 the Daily
Worker began to publish
a Sunday edition, later known as the Sunday Worker. That same year, it
also added comic strips such as Louis Furstadt's Little Lefty,
a countercultural retort to the mainstream press' Little Orphan
Annie. In 1938 it added a women's page edited by Elizabeth Gurley
Flynn. Over the years, the paper would publish the work of many notable
graphic artists and cartoonists, including prominent figures such as
Fred Ellis, who also contributed artwork The New Majority, The
Liberator and The
Labor Herald; radical illustrator and muralist Hugo Gellert;
painter, journalist and cartoonist Robert Minor; and Ollie Harrington,
an African American cartoonist who lived in exile in East Germany for
much of his life.
In the mid-1930s the Daily
Worker established a
sports page that combined extensive sports coverage with incisive social
criticism. Sports page editor Lester Rodney led the campaign for the
desegregation of professional sports in the United States, particularly
baseball. Featuring regular articles on the accomplishments of African
American athletes, such as Joe Louis and Jesse Owens, the Daily
Worker made the case
that all sports would benefit from integration. As part of this campaign
it sponsored a basketball team made up of Harlem's top high school
players and persuaded a black professional football team to play a
benefit game to raise funds for the paper.
With their leadership role in the
Southern Negro Youth Congress, the Communist Party and the Daily
Worker played a central
role in the early civil rights movement and the anti-lynching campaigns
of the 1930s and 1940s, including the campaign to free the Scottsboro
Boys, the Angelo Herndon trial, and the work of the International Labor
Defense. The Daily Worker denounced
the Jim Crow laws of the Southern United States, focusing its coverage
on violence directed against the black community and on the emerging
struggles to end segregation and racial intimidation.
Worker's coverage of the
unemployment marches in the early years of the Great Depression and the
fight for social security and unemployment insurance made it one of the
most influential papers on the American Left. Its coverage of the labor
battles of the 1930s shaped the way many Americans thought about
organized labor. Its reporters and photographers captured the struggles
textile workers in Gastonia, North Carolina in 1929; Illinois miners in
1930; California lettuce workers and Flint, Michigan autoworkers in
1931; coal miners in Harlan County, West Virginia ("Bloody Harlan") and
teamsters in Minneapolis in 1934. During these years, the paper also
documented the impact of the Great Depression on American working
people, with stories on housing conditions in Harlem, Hunger Marches and
unemployed movement organizing across the country, the campaign for
social security, the "Don't Buy Where You Can't Work Campaign," and
mobilizations for improved housing. The paper was noted for its
investigative reporting about slum housing and block busting in Harlem.
Civil rights was an important part of the Daily Worker's agenda
and the paper covered most of the major lynching cases of the 1930s,
1940s, and 1950s. The campaign to free the Scottsboro Boys was on its
front pages for nearly seven years.
The news coverage in the Daily
Worker almost always
reflected Communist Party policies. During the Trade Union Educational
League years of the 1920s this meant support for revolutionary unionism.
During the Popular Front years the paper was a leading voice for
industrial unionism and the Congress for Industrial Organizations.
As the organ for the Communist
Party, USA the Daily
extensive coverage about the international Communist movement. For the
Communist Party the Soviet Union was the center of the world's
revolutionary movement. The Daily Worker's coverage
of Soviet life, foreign, and domestic policies reflected an uncritical
perspective on the Soviet system, as it celebrated life in what it
called the "Socialist" countries. These stories often highlighted the
miracles of Soviet economic development and ethnic harmony under
Socialism. This internationalist perspective often resulted in extensive
coverage of the struggles for declonialization in Asia, Africa, and
Latin America which were largely invisible in the mainstream press. The
Daily Worker often
focused on revolutionary nationalism in its various forms from Pan
Africanism to the self determination struggles in the Middle East.
With the ascendancy of Adolph
Hitler, the fight against Nazism and fascism moved to the center of the
Communist Party's agenda in the late 1930s. It reported on Nazi
atrocities, and the rising tide of anti-Semitism. In 1936 the Daily
Worker sent teams of
photographers and reporters to Spain, as it tried to rally the American
people to support the Spanish Republic in its brutal civil war with the
Falange of General Francisco Franco. These teams returned with images
and stories depicting the lives of ordinary Spanish people resisting
fascism, the relationship between the Republican army and the
International Brigades, and the impact of the fascist bombing in cities
such as Guernica.
With the fall of Spain and the
signing of the 1939 Nazi-Soviet non-aggression pact, the CPUSA aligned
itself with the new course in Soviet foreign policy, as World War II
became an "imperialist war." Between September 1939 and June 1941, the Daily
Worker refocused on the
domestic scene and the peace movement as a way of trying to divert
attention from the Soviet Union's pact with Germany. The paper
highlighted campaigns for union rights, job security, and civil
When Germany invaded the Soviet
Union in June of 1941, the Daily
of the war changed dramatically. The message, as depicted in the
articles and photography of the Daily Worker, became World War
II as an epic struggle against the Nazis, the role of the Soviet Union
as the major battlefield of the war, and the impact of the German
invasion on Russia's civilian population. On the cultural front, the
paper documented the relationship between politics, folk music and folk
dance, covering individuals such as Woody Guthrie, Pete Seeger,
Leadbelly, Sophie Maslow and Martha Graham.
However, the post-war period saw
the rise of McCarthyism and the Communist Party under relentless attack.
As a result, the Daily
Worker experienced a
dramatic decrease in circulation and the paper's financial health,
always tenuous at best, took a decided turn for the worse. The daily
paper closed in January 1958 during the period when the Communist Party
was forced to go underground as a result of the repression of the Red
Scare. In 1960 it resumed publication as a weekly under the name of The
Worker and, although it
began biweekly publication several years later, it never again achieved
the level of popularity or circulation it enjoyed in the 1930s and
In 1967 the paper, now renamed the Daily
World, resumed daily publication. It reported on the rebirth of the
civil rights movement, including sit-ins, voter registration campaigns
and the Freedom Rides, following figures including Martin Luther King,
Jr, Ralph Abernathy, Rosa Parks and Adam Clayton Powell, Jr. In the late
1960s and 1970s, as the CPUSA aligned itself with the anti-Vietnam War
movement and Black Nationalist movements including the Black Panthers,
the paper covered important events of that period, including the Soledad
Brothers trial, the subsequent arrest and imprisonment of Angela Davis,
demonstrations against the war in Vietnam – including massive Moratorium
Day demonstrations – on college campuses in New York City and across the
country, and the Black Panther Breakfast Program in Harlem.
In 1986 the paper merged with the
CPUSA's West Coast weekly, the People's
World. The newly formed People's Daily World was
published from 1987 until 1991, when daily publication was abandoned in
favor of a weekly edition, renamed the People's Weekly World.
During this period the paper focused heavily on labor union activity,
particularly in cities like Detroit and Chicago, as well as the growing
Shifting its operations back to
Chicago between 2001 and 2002, the paper changed its name to the People's
World in 2009. In 2010,
the paper ceased print publication and became an electronic,