On Sept. 1, 2009 Marsh wrote;

No, they did not. They published the known photographs of the Harper
fragment and a photo of the X-ray of the three small skull fragments.


Nothing on the other skull fragment.




Below Curry page 36

Below, XVII page 736

Below XXI page 217

Below XVIII page 742

Below XVIII page 744

Below XVIII page 745

Below XVIII page 760





This is the interview from 11/21/93, in which Dallas district attorney,
Henry Wade corroborated Governor Connally's claim that the bullet which
fell from his thigh, was retrieved by a nurse in the operating room.

If anyone has doubts about its validity, they can go to the DMN website
and for $2.95 get their own copy. Wade's corroboration is the final nail
in the coffin for CE399. It absolutely could not have been the same one
that wounded Gov Connally.

The Dallas Morning News

`Make sure conspiracy count is not in the indictment'
Wes Wise  
Published: November 21, 1993

`Henry Wade was Dallas County district attorney at the time of the
assassination of John Kennedy. Had Lee Harvey Oswald lived, Mr. Wade would
have prosecuted the alleged assassin of John F. Kennedy. Following are his
recollections of that day 30 years ago, Nov. 22, 1963, as recorded on
videotape for the Oral History Project of the Dallas County Historical
Foundation. The interviewer is Wes Wise, a former Dallas television
personality and mayor.

MR. WADE: I was over at the place where he was supposed to make his
speech. It was a non-partisan event. We were waiting for Kennedy. I,
incidentally, personally knew Kennedy well and was a strong supporter of
his, always had been. . . . I was at his inauguration. When he was running
for office here, I was chairman of a meeting they held to try to get him
elected. That wasn't popular particularly here in Dallas . I wasn't at the
head table; I wasn't invited. About 100 or so members of the press came
running in. Then you heard rumors somebody shot at him off Stemmons
Freeway. We heard everything for a while. Somebody had a radio; (people)
were listening to it. Finally, they had a prayer and announced he'd been
shot and carried to Parkland and was dead.

Q: What did you do as Dallas County district attorney at that point?

A:A group of us had rented a bus to go to Austin to another party for
Kennedy that night. The first thought in my mind was that Barefoot
Sanders, the U.S. attorney, had a big case on his hands. I went on back to
the office, and Barefoot called me. He said, `We've checked, and under
federal law the most we can give whoever killed the president is five
years in the pen for assault on a federal official. This is going to be
your baby. It'll have to be tried in state courts." That's when I got
serious. I thought up 'til then it would be tried in federal court. He
(Sanders) looked it up in the law books. There wasn't any law against
killing the president of the United States .

I called a number of my assistants together. We went down to the sheriff's
office where they were interviewing some of the witnesses, and talked with
police, sent an assistant up to work with police. At that time we had no
idea who did it. I also went out to see (Gov. John) Connally, but he was
in the operating room. Some nurse had a bullet in her hand, and said this
was on the gurney that Connally was on. I talked with Nellie Connally a
while and then went on home.

Q: What did you do with the bullet? Is this the famous pristine bullet
people have talked about?

A: I told her to give it to the police, which she said she would. I assume
that's the pristine bullet.

Q: In those first hours, it's easy to see how there would be mass
confusion. But how did you first coordinate with Chief (Jesse) Curry,
police chief of the city of Dallas ?

A: At that time, the police and everybody were trying to find out who did
the shooting. Homicide was taking a lead in it over at the School Book
Depository, where I believe they found three shells. They also had called
the roll of all the employees, and the only one missing was Lee Harvey
Oswald. And they had a witness or two who saw him run out of the building
before they called the roll.

Q: At this stage, did you and the police chief say, one of us has to be in
charge here? Or, who was in charge? Or was there anybody in charge?

A: Well, everybody was working together. But as you're probably aware, the
district attorney doesn't go out on his own and make investigations of who
did it. We look at the evidence and see if what they got is enough to file
a charge. We didn't have anything to do with the investigation of who did

Q: How did you first learn of the capture in the Texas Theater? How did
you learn of the shooting of Officer (J.D.) Tippit?

A: You had all kinds of reports from press. Any police officer on the
street who opened his mouth, you'd see it on television in five minutes.
Just after I got home, at 5 or 6 o'clock, I got a call from Cliff Carter
at the White House, Cliff Carter was a friend of mine who worked with
President Johnson. It had apparently come over television that Oswald was
going to be charged as part of a conspiracy with the Russians in killing
President John F. Kennedy. He said the president was afraid tha t would
hurt international relations quite a bit with Russia . I told him that
everything you allege in an indictment you've got to prove, and if you
allege a conspiracy, you're going to have to prove it. This appears to be
more a conspiracy, if with any foreign country, with Cuba , because he
(Oswald) had loads and loads of propaganda from the committee to support
(Fidel) Castro. . . . Cliff Carter was an aide to Johnson. I knew him
personally and I knew Johnson personally. I worked in his (Lyndon
Johnson's) campaign in 1937 in Austin when I was in college, and he got
elected to Congress.

Q: Did you, at that point, take a different attitude toward the
assassination picture? You knew this was one of his top aides.

A: The only thing he was afraid of was that we would file he was part of a
Russian conspiracy to kill President Kennedy. I told him that wouldn't be
done. Then I got a second call, that the president wants you to go down
and make sure this conspiracy count is not in the indictment, because the
press has already said it's in there. I went down to the homicide division
of the Dallas police. I guess there were 300 or 400 members of the press
down there with cameras, and it was a madhouse down there.

Q: Of course this is the image everyone remembers from having seen it on
national television. The impression was that there was so much mass
confusion that, again, nobody was really in charge. Would that be fair?

A: I think you had everybody working together, but there was nobody
appointed in charge unless they appointed themselves.

Q: You were the spokesman on some occasions when the TV cameras were on.

A: Some of the time. I did once or twice, mainly because Dallas was taking
a beating from the national media. (Someone) had announced that it was
H.L. Hunt and his crowd that did it _ the right wing. I went into homicide
and talked to Oswald for five or 10 minutes. He wouldn't say anything
other than `I want a lawyer" and `police brutality." He had a cut on his
eye that happened at the time of his arrest in that theater. I was
receiving a lot of telephone calls to get him a lawyer. But he named a
lawyer in New York . He said he's my lawyer. I called him in New York , and
later one of my assistants talked with him, and he said I'm not
representing Oswald. Then I got the president of the Dallas bar and the
president of the criminal bar to agree to go see him and offer to find him
a lawyer. It probably was either late that night or the next morning when
they got to talk to him, and he said he didn't want to talk to them. He
kept mentioning this lawyer in New York City that had represented the
civil liberties union and some people to the left in the spectrum.

Q: During that brief time you were in on the interrogation, who was
interviewing him and what did he say?

A: ( Dallas Police) Capt. (Will) Fritz was there, and somebody from the FBI
was there, and somebody from the Secret Service. They'd been talking to
him for four or five hours. I asked him several questions, and the only
thing he would say was `police brutality" and `I want my lawyer" and named
him, in New York City . The cameras at that time had big lights on them,
and they were flashing lights through the glass doors trying to get a
picture of Oswald. I said why don't you put him in a lineup and let the
press look at him, cause he was charging police brutality. They supposedly
had checked the credentials of all the press that went in there. We had
filed on him for the murder of Tippit about 7, but it was about 11 before
we filed on him on th e other one. They did that; they put him in a lineup
downstairs, when they looked at it and saw it was not a serious wound.

They (press) asked me what kind of a gun it was, and I said it was foreign
made. I didn't know if it was Italian or German, but it's a foreign-made
gun, but I hadn't seen it at that time.

They (press) said: `Are Russians backing this?" I said, I understand they
found all this pro-Castro literature. I said I didn't know the name of the
organization. I was walking, and as I was getting out of the place,
somebody rose out of the audience and said, `Henry, the name of the thing
is Fair Play for Cuba ." As I was gradually moving toward the door, this
guy that had stood up ran up to me and he said, `Henry, I'm Jack Ruby."
And I said, `What are you doing in here." And he said, `I represent the
Jewish press," and laughed.

I knew who he was by name, but I hadn't seen him before. That was the
first time I was ever acquainted with him. Then he went further. As I got
almost out of the building, he yells from over behind the records bureau
in the Police Department, `Henry, you're wanted on the phone." I was glad
to get rid of the people where I was, and I went around there, and it was
the `Weird Beard" from KLIF. Found out Jack Ruby had called him and said,
`Do you want an interview with the district attorney of Dallas ?" The Weird
Beard was a disc jockey, rather than a newsman, at the time.

Then I got out and went home, and one of my assistants called me about 11
o'clock and asked me did we want to take the complaint. And I said, `Yeah,
let's go ahead and take it, but don't have the conspiracy count in there
unless we can prove it." You know in a murder case, all you have to allege
is that Lee Harvey Oswald killed John Fitzgerald Kennedy by shooting him
with a gun. That limits how much you have to prove.

Q: Of course, you're familiar with all the remarks that were made after
that scene, and the Dallas police referred to as `Keystone Kops" by their
critics. Do you, as a district attorney, think anything would have been
different in any other city, Chicago, Los Angeles, New Orleans, etc.? Was
the good-old-boy system so deep in the Dallas County hierarchy that this
was unusual to Dallas, or do you think it would have happened anywhere in
just about the same way?

A: You mean the investigation?

Q: What you just described. Here's a man who comes in and describes
himself as representing the Jewish press and he has nothing to do with the
press, he's a nightclub owner. Here's the Weird Beard getting you on the
telephone, and I understand how it was done, you were handed the
telephone. But that seems unusual. It will seem even more unusual to
people who are looking at this tape 100 years from now. So do you think
this would have been any different anywhere else?

A: Well, probably not. Things are handled differently in some cities, for
instance, New York City , where I worked in the FBI, all the homicides are
handled out of the district attorney's office. I think they ( Dallas
police) did an excellent job finding out who did it in a matter of hours.

Q: The interrogation of Lee Harvey Oswald, he has been described as being
extremely cool and collected during this interrogation. In the brief time
that you saw him, was that the way you recalled him?

A: Yeah, you see the press were interfering, yelling and screaming and
throwing lights on there. I saw immediately it wasn't the time to try to
interview him. I set 2 o'clock Sunday when he was down at the county jail
for an interview with him. Of course, he never made it to the county jail,
where we could keep the press out of the whole building.

Q: But you would say he was cool and collected?

A: Well, he was excited, and he looked like he felt he had accomplished a
lot. But there was no way to interview him in those small quarters with
cameras shooting lights through the glass door.

Q: Much of the criticism of the interrogation was that it was not
tape-recorded. Did anybody suggest that?

A: I worked with (police Capt. Will) Fritz and he was probably the best
person I ever worked with in finding out who done it, and the poorest
person I ever worked with for taking notes. I don't think the police had
recorders back then. Of course, what he said wasn't admissible anyway.

Q: Looking back on it now, is there any possibility that Oswald could have
been engaged in a conspiracy with Ruby in the assassination of the

A: You're asking me something I would have to conjecture on. I feel like
Oswald is the one who did all the shooting. I think there were three shots
fired, maybe some echoes heard. I don't think there was any conspiracy
with Oswald. The only thing I can say is that there is absolutely no hard
evidence that there was any conspiracy.

Q: You feel like you had enough evidence to convict Lee Harvey Oswald.

A: Yes.

PHOTO(S): Henry Wade.

Copyright 1993 The Dallas Morning News Company




After Dallas DA's Death,
19 Convictions Are Undone

DALLAS - As district attorney of Dallas for an unprecedented 36 years, Henry Wade was the embodiment of Texas justice.

A strapping 6-footer with a square jaw and a half-chewed cigar clamped between his teeth, The Chief, as he was known, prosecuted Jack Ruby. He was the Wade in Roe v. Wade. And he compiled a conviction rate so impressive that defense attorneys ruefully called themselves the 7 Percent Club.

But now, seven years after Wade's death, The Chief's legacy is taking a beating.

Henry Wade

Nineteen convictions three for murder and the rest involving rape or burglary won by Wade and two successors who trained under him have been overturned after DNA evidence exonerated the defendants. About 250 more cases are under review.

No other county in America and almost no state, for that matter has freed more innocent people from prison in recent years than Dallas County , where Wade was DA from 1951 through 1986.

Current District Attorney Craig Watkins, who in 2006 became the first black elected chief prosecutor in any Texas county, said that more wrongly convicted people will go free.

"There was a cowboy kind of mentality and the reality is that kind of approach is archaic, racist, elitist and arrogant," said Watkins, who is 40 and never worked for Wade or met him.

'Not a racist'
But some of those who knew Wade say the truth is more complicated than Watkins' summation.

"My father was not a racist. He didn't have a racist bone in his body," said Kim Wade, a lawyer in his own right. "He was very competitive."

Moreover, former colleagues and even the Innocence Project of Texas, which is spearheading the DNA tests credit Wade with preserving the evidence in every case, a practice that allowed investigations to be reopened and inmates to be freed. (His critics say, of course, that he kept the evidence for possible use in further prosecutions, not to help defendants.)

The new DA and other Wade detractors say the cases won under Wade were riddled with shoddy investigations, evidence was ignored and defense lawyers were kept in the dark. They note that the promotion system under Wade rewarded prosecutors for high conviction rates.

In the case of James Lee Woodard released in April after 27 years in prison for a murder DNA showed he didn't commit Wade's office withheld from defense attorneys photographs of tire tracks at the crime scene that didn't match Woodard's car.

"Now in hindsight, we're finding lots of places where detectives in those cases, they kind of trimmed the corners to just get the case done," said Michelle Moore, a Dallas County public defender and president of the Innocence Project of Texas. "Whether that's the fault of the detectives or the DA's, I don't know."

'Win at all costs'
John Stickels, a University of Texas at Arlington criminology professor and a director of the Innocence Project of Texas, blames a culture of "win at all costs."

"When someone was arrested, it was assumed they were guilty," he said. "I think prosecutors and investigators basically ignored all evidence to the contrary and decided they were going to convict these guys."

A Democrat, Wade was first elected DA at age 35 after three years as an assistant DA, promising to "stem the rising tide of crime." Wade already had spent four years as an FBI agent, served in the Navy during World War II and did a stint as a local prosecutor in nearby Rockwall County, where he grew up on a farm, the son of a lawyer. Wade was one of 11 children; six of the boys went on to become lawyers.

He was elected 10 times in all. He and his cadre of assistant DAs all of them white men, early on consistently reported annual conviction rates above 90 percent. In his last 20 years as district attorney, his office won 165,000 convictions, the Dallas Morning News reported when he retired.

In the 1960s, Wade secured a murder conviction against Ruby, the Dallas nightclub owner who shot Lee Harvey Oswald after Oswald's arrest in the assassination of President Kennedy. Ruby's conviction was overturned on appeal, and he died before Wade could retry him.

Wade was also the defendant in the 1973 landmark Roe v. Wade Supreme Court decision legalizing abortion. The case began three years earlier when Dallas resident Norma McCorvey using the pseudonym Jane Roe sued because she couldn't get an abortion in Texas .

Cases overturned
Troubling cases surfaced in the 1980s, as Wade's career was winding down.

Lenell Geter, a black engineer, was convicted of armed robbery and sentenced to life in prison. After Geter had spent more than a year behind bars, Wade agreed to a new trial, then dropped the charges in 1983 amid reports of shoddy evidence and allegations Geter was singled out because of his race.

In Wade's final year in office, the U.S. Supreme Court overturned the death sentence of a black man, Thomas Miller-El, ruling that blacks were excluded from the jury. Cited in Miller-El's appeal was a manual for prosecutors that Wade wrote in 1969 and was used for more than a decade. It gave instructions on how to keep minorities off juries.

A month before Wade died of Parkinson's disease in 2001, DNA evidence was used for the first time to reverse a Dallas County conviction. David Shawn Pope, found guilty of rape in 1986, had spent 15 years in prison.

Watkins, a former defense lawyer, has since put in place a program under which prosecutors, aided by law students, are examining hundreds of old cases where convicted criminals have requested DNA testing.

'Protecting a legacy'
Of the 19 convictions that have been overturned, all but four were won during Wade's tenure. In two-thirds of the cases, the defendants were black men. None of the convictions that have come under review are death penalty cases.

"I think the number of examples of cases show it's troubling," said Nina Morrison, an attorney with the Innocence Project, a New York-based legal group affiliated with the Texas effort. "Whether it's worse than other jurisdictions, it's hard to say. It would be a mistake to conclude the problems in these cases are limited to Dallas or are unique to Dallas .

Former assistant prosecutor Dan Hagood said The Chief expected his assistants to be prepared, represent the state well and be careful and fair.

"Never once ever did I ever get the feeling of anything unethical," Hagood said. He denied there was any pressure exerted from above "no `wink' deals, no `The boss says we need to get this guy.'"

But Watkins said those who defend The Chief are "protecting a legacy."

"Clearly it was a culture. A lot of folks don't want to admit it. It was there," the new DA said. "We decided to fix it."


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